Appendix XIV. The Law in Messianic Times.

(Book III. ch. 3.)

The question as to the Rabbinic views in regard to the binding character of the Law, and its imposition on the Gentiles, in Messianic times, although, strictly speaking, not forming part of this history, is of such vital importance in connection with recent controversies as to demand special consideration. In the text to which this Appendix refers it has been indicated, that a new legislation was expected in Messianic days. The ultimate basis of this expectancy must be sought in the Old Testament itself – not merely in such allusions as to the intrinsic worthlessness of sacrifices, but in such passages as Deu_18:15; Deu_18:18, and its prophetic commentary in Jer_31:31, etc. It was with a view to this that the Jewish deputation inquired whether John the Baptist was ‘that Prophet.’ For, as has been shown, Rabbinism associated certain reformatory and legislative functions with the appearance of the Forerunner of the Messiah (Eduy. viii. 7).

There were, indeed, in this, as in most respects, diverging opinions according to the different standpoints of the Rabbis, and, as we infer, not without controversial bearing on the teaching of Christianity. The strictest tendency may be characterised as that which denied the possibility of any change in the ceremonial Law, as well as the abrogation of festivals in the future. Even the destruction of the Temple, and with it the necessary cessation of sacrifices – if, indeed, which is a moot question, all sacrifices did at once and absolutely cease – only caused a gap; just as exile from the land could only free from such laws as attached to the soil of Israel. The reading of the sacrificial sections in the Law (Meg. 31b; Ber. R. 44) – at any rate, in conjunction with prayers (Ber. 2b), but especially study of the Law (Men. 110a), took in the meantime the place of the sacrifices. And as regarded the most sacred of all sacrifices, that of the Day of Atonement, it was explained that the day rather than the sacrifices brought reconciliation (Sifra 100:8). This party held the principle that not only those Divine, but even those Rabbinic, ordinances, which apparently had been intended only for a certain time or for a certain purpose, were of eternal duration (Bezah 5b). ‘The law is never to cease; there are the commandments – since there is no prophet who may change a word in them.’

So far were these views carried, that it was asserted: ‘Israel needs not the teaching of the King Messiah,’ but that ‘He only comes to gather the dispersed, and to give to the Gentiles thirty commandments, as it is written (Zec_11:12), “they weighed me my price, thirty pieces of silver” (Ber. R. 98). But even these extreme statements seem to imply that keen controversy had raged on the subject. Besides, the most zealous defenders of the Law admitted that the Gentiles were to receive laws in Messianic times. The smallest and most extreme section held that, the laws, as Israel observed them, would be imposed on the Gentiles (Chull. 92a) others that only thirty commandments, the original Noachic ordinances, supposed to be enumerated in Lv xix., would become obligatory, while some held, that only three ordinances would be binding on the new converts: two connected with the Feast of Tabernacles, the third, that of the phylacteries (Midr. on Psa_31:1, ed. Warsh., p. 30b). On the other hand, we have the most clear testimony that the prevailing tendency of teaching was in a different direction. In a very curious passage (Yalkut ii. 296, p. 46a), in which the final restitution of ‘the sinners of Israel and of the righteous of the Gentiles’ who are all in Gehinnom, is taught in very figurative language, we are told of a ‘new Law which God will give by the Messiah’ in the age to come – thanksgiving for which calls forth that universal Amen, not only on earth but in Gehinnom, which leads to the deliverance of those who are in the latter. But as this may refer to the time of the final consummation, we turn to other passages. The Midrash on Song ii. 13, applying the passage in conjunction with Jer_31:31, expressly states that the Messiah would give Israel a new law, and the Targum, on Isa_12:3, although perhaps not quite so clearly, also speaks of a ‘new instruction.’ It is needless to multiply proofs (such as Vayyikra R. 13). But the Talmud goes even further, and lays down the two principles, that in the ‘age to come’ the whole ceremonial Law and all the feasts were to cease. And although this may be regarded as merely a general statement, it is definitely applied to the effect, that all sacrifices except the thank-offering, and all fasts and feasts except the Day of Atonement, or else the Feast of Esther, were to come to an end – nay (in the Midr. on the words ‘the Lord looseth the bound,’ Psa_146:7), that what had formerly been ‘bound’ or forbidden would be ‘loosed’ or allowed, notably that the distinctions between clean and unclean animals would be removed.

There is the less need of apology for any digression here, that, besides the intrinsic interest of the question, it casts light on two most important subjects. For, first, it illustrates the attempt of the narrowest Judaic party in the Church to force on Gentile believers the yoke of the whole Law; the bearing of Paul in this respect; his relation to Peter; the conduct of the latter; and the proceedings of the Apostolic Synod in Jerusalem (Ac 15). Paul, in his opposition to that party, stood even on Orthodox Jewish ground. But when he asserted, not only a new ‘law of liberty,’ but the typical and preparatory character of the whole Law, and its fulfilment in Christ, he went far beyond the Jewish standpoint. Further, the favourite modern theory as to fundamental opposition in principle between Pauline and Petrine theology in this respect, has, like many kindred theories, no support in the Jewish views on that subject, unless we suppose that Peter had belonged to the narrowest Jewish school, which his whole history seems to forbid. We can also understand, how the Divinely granted vision of the abrogation of the distinction between clean and unclean animals (Act_10:9-16) may, though coming as a surprise, have had a natural basis in Jewish expectancy, and it explains how the Apostolic Synod, when settling the questions, ultimately fell back on the so-called Noachic commandments, though with very wider-reaching principles underlying their decision (Act_15:13-21). Lastly, it seems to cast even some light on the authorship of the Fourth Gospel; for, the question about ‘that prophet’ evidently referring to the possible alteration of the Law in Messianic times, which is reported only in the Fourth Gospel, shows such close acquaintance with the details of Jewish ideas on this subject, as seems to us utterly incompatible with its supposed origination as ‘The Ephesian Gospel’ towards the end of the second century, the outcome of Ephesian Church-teaching-an ‘esoteric and eclectic’ book, designed to modify ‘the impressions produced by the tradition previously recorded by the Synoptists.’



Appendix XV. The Location of Sychar, and the Date of Our Lord’s Visit to Samaria.

(Book III. ch. viii.)

I. The Location of Sychar.

Although modern writers are now mostly agreed on this subject it may be well briefly to put before our readers the facts of the case.

Till comparatively lately, the Sychar of Jn 4 was generally regarded as representing the ancient Shechem. The first difficulty here was the name, since Shechem, or even Sichem, could scarcely be identified with Sychar, which is undoubtedly the correct reading. Accordingly, the latter term was represented as one of opprobrium, and derived from ‘shekhar’ (in Aramaean shikhra), as it were, ‘drunken town,’ or else from ‘sheqer’ (in Aramaean shiqra), ‘lying town.’ But, not to mention other objections, there is no trace of such an alteration of the name Sychar in Jewish writings, while its employment would seem wholly incongruous in such a narrative as Jn 4. Moreover, all the earliest writers distinguished Sychar from Shechem. Lastly, in the Talmud the name sokher, also written sikhra, frequently occurs, and that not only as distinct from Shechem, but in a connection which renders the hypothesis of an opprobrious by-name impossible. Professor Delitzch (Zeitschrift fuer Luther. Theol. for 1856, 2 pp. 242, 243) has collected seven passages from the Babylon Talmud to that effect, in five of which Sichra is mentioned as the birthplace of celebrated Rabbis – the town having at a later period apparently been left by the Samaritans, and occupied by Jews (Baba Mez. 42a, 83a, Pes. 31b, Nidd. 36a, Chull. 18b, and, without mention of Rabbis, Baba K. 82b, Menach. 64b. See also Men. x. 2, and Jer. Sheq. p. 48d). If further proof were required, it would be sufficient to say that a woman would scarcely have gone a mile and a half from Shechem to Jacob’s well to fetch water, when there are so many springs about the former city. In these circumstances, later writers have generally fixed upon the village of ’Askar, half a mile from Jacob’s Well, and within sight of it, as the Sychar of the New Testament, one of the earliest to advocate this view having been the late learned Canon Williams. Little more than a third of a mile from ’Askar is the reputed tomb of Joseph. The transformation, of the name Sychar into ’Askar is explained, either by a contraction of Ain Askar, ‘the well of Sychar,’ or else by the fact that in the Samaritan Chronicle the place is called Iskar, which seems to have been the vulgar pronunciation of Sychar. A full description of the place is given by Captain Conder (Tent-Work in Palestine, vol. 1 pp. 71 etc., especially pp. 75 and 76), and by M. Guérin, ‘La Samarie,’ vol. 1 p. 371, although the latter writer, who almost always absolutely follows tradition, denies the identity of Sychar and ’Askar (pp. 401, 402).

II. Time of Our Lord’s Visit to Sychar.

This question, which is of such importance not only for the chronology of this period, but in regard to the unnamed Feast at Jerusalem to which Jesus went up (Joh_5:1), has been discussed most fully and satisfactorily by Canon Westcott (Speaker’s Commentary, vol. 2 of the New Testament, p. 93). The following data will assist our inquiries.

1. Jesus spent some time after the Feast of Passover (Joh_2:23) in the province of Judaea. But it can scarcely be supposed that this was a long period, for – 

2ndly, in Joh_4:45 the Galileans have evidently a fresh remembrance of what had taken place at the Passover in Jerusalem, which would scarcely have been the case if a long period and other festivals had intervened. Similarly, the ‘King’s Officer’ (Joh_4:47) seems also to act upon a recent report.

3rdly, the unnamed Feast of Joh_5:1 forms an important element in our computations. Some months of Galilean ministry must have intervened between it and the return of Jesus to Galilee. Hence it could not have been Pentecost. Nor could it have been the Feast of Tabernacles, which was in autumn, nor yet the Feast of the Dedication, which took place in winter, since both are expressly mentioned by their names (Joh_7:2, Joh_10:22). The only other Feasts were: the Feast of Wood-Offering (comp. ‘The Temple,’ etc., p. 295), the Feast of Trumpets, or New Year’s Day, the Day of Atonement, and the Feast of Esther, or Purim.

To begin with the latter, since of late it has found most favour. The reasons against Christ’s attendance in Jerusalem at Purim seem to me irresistible. Canon Westcott urges that the discourse of Christ at the unnamed Feast has not, as is generally the case, any connection with the thoughts of that festival. To this I would add, that I can scarcely conceive our Lord going up to a feast observed with such boisterous merriment as Purim was, while the season of the year in which it falls would scarcely tally with the statement of Joh_5:3, that a great multitude of sick people were laid down in the porches of Bethesda.

But if the unnamed Feast was not Purim, it must have been one of these three, the Feast of the Ingathering of Wood, the Feast of Trumpets, or the Day of Atonement. In other words, it must have taken place late in summer, or in the very beginning of autumn. But if so, then the Galilean ministry intervening between the visit to Samaria and this Feast leads to the necessary inference that the visit to Sychar had taken place in early summer, probably about the middle or end of May. This would allow ample time for Christ’s stay at Jerusalem during the Passover and for His Judaean ministry.

As we are discussing the date of the unnamed Feast, it may be as well to bring the subject here to a close. We have seen that the only three Feasts to which reference could have been made are the Feast of Wood Offering, the Feast of Trumpets, and the Day of Atonement. But the last of these could not be meant, since it is designated, not only by Philo, but in Act_27:9, as ‘the fast,’ not the feast νηστεία, – not ἑορτή (comp. LXX., Lev_14:29 etc., Lev_23:27 etc.). As between the Feast of the Wood Offering and that of Trumpets I feel at considerable loss. Canon Westcott has urged on behalf of the latter reasons which I confess are very weighty. On the other hand, the Feast of Trumpets was not one of those on which people generally resorted to Jerusalem, and as it took place on the 1st of Tishri (about the middle of September), it is difficult to believe that anyone going up to it would not rather have chosen, or at least remained over, the Day of Atonement and the Feast of Tabernacles, which followed respectively, on the 10th and 15th days of that month. Lastly, the Feast of Wood Offering, which took place on the 15th Ab (in August), was a popular and joyous festival, when the wood needed for the altar was brought up from all parts of the country (comp. on that feast ‘The Temple and its Services,’ etc., pp. 295, 296). As between these two feasts, we must leave the question undecided, only noting that barely six weeks intervened between the one and the other feast.



Appendix XVI. On the Jewish Views About ‘Demons’ and ‘the Demonised,’ Together with Some Notes on the Intercourse Between Jews and Jewish Christians in the First Centuries.

(Book III. ch. xiv.)

It is not, of course, our purpose here to attempt an exhaustive account of the Jewish views on ‘demons’ and ‘the demonised.’ A few preliminary strictures are, however, necessary on a work upon which writers on this subject have too implicitly relied. I refer to Gfroerer’s Jahrhundert des Heils (especially vol. 1 pp. 378-424). Gfroerer sets out by quoting a passage in the Book of Enoch on which he lays great stress, but which the critical inquiries of Dillmann and other scholars have shown to be of no value in the argument. This disposes of many pages of negative criticism on the New Testament which Gfroerer founds on this quotation. Similarly, 4 Esdras would not in our days be adduced in evidence of pre-Christian teaching. As regards Rabbinic passages, Gfroerer uncritically quotes from Kabbalistic works which he mixes up with quotations from the Talmud and from writings of a later date. Again, as regards the two quotations of Gfroerer from the Mishnah (Erub. iv. 1; Gitt vii. 1), it has already been stated (Book III. chap. xiv., note ) that neither of these passages bears any reference to demoniac possessions. Further, Gfroerer appeals to two passages in Sifré which may here be given in extenso. The first of these (ed. Friedmann, p. 107b) is on Deu_18:12, and reads thus: ‘He who joins himself (cleaves) to uncleanness, on him rests the spirit of uncleanness; but he who cleaves to the Shechinah, it is meet that the Holy Spirit should rest on him.’ The second occurs in explanation of Deu_32:16, and reads as follows (u.s. p. 136b): ‘What is the way of a “demon” (shed)? He enters into a man and subjects him.’ It will be observed that in both these quotations reference is made to certain moral, not to physical effects, such as in the case of the demonised. Lastly, although one passage from the Talmud which Gfroerer adduces (though not quite exactly) applies, indeed, to demoniacal possessions, but is given in an exaggerated and embellished form.

If from these incorrect references we turn to what Jewish authorities really state on the subject, we have: – 

1. To deal with the Writings of Josephus. In Ant. vi. 8. 2, Josephus ascribes Saul’s disorder to demoniac influence, which ‘brought upon him such suffocations as were ready to choke him.’ In Antiq. vi. 8. 2, the demon-spirit is said to enter into Saul, and to disorder him. In Antiq. viii. 2. 5, Josephus describes the wisdom, learning, and achievements of Solomon, referring specially to his skill in expelling demons who caused various diseases. According to Josephus, Solomon had exercised this power by incantations, his formulae and words of exorcism being still known in Josephus’s days. In such manner a certain ‘demoniac’ in the presence of Vespasian, his officers, and troops, by putting to his nostrils a ring ‘that held a root of one of those mentioned by Solomon,’ by which the demon was drawn out amidst convulsions of the demoniac, when the demon was further adjured not to return by frequent mention of the name of Solomon, and by ‘incantations which he [Solomon] had composed.’ To show the reality of this a vessel with water had been placed at a little distance, and the demon had, in coming out, overturned it. It is probably to this ‘root’ that Josephus refers in War vii. 6. 3, where he names it baaras, which I conjecture to be the equivalent of the form בּוֹעֲרָא, boara, ‘the burning,’ since he describes it as of colour like a flame, and as emitting at even a ray like lightning, and which it would cost a man’s life to take up otherwise than by certain magical means which Josephus specifies. From all this we infer that Josephus occupied the later Talmudical standpoint, alike as regards exorcism, magical cures, and magical preventions. This is of great importance as showing that these views prevailed in New Testament times. But when Josephus adds, that the demons expelled by baaras were ‘the spirits of the wicked,’ he represents a superstition which is not shared by the earlier Rabbis, and may possibly be due to a rationalising attempt to account for the phenomenon. It is, indeed, true that the same view occurs in comparatively late Jewish writings, and that in Yalkut on Isa 46b there appears to be a reference to it, at least in connection with the spirits of those who had perished in the flood; but this seems to belong to a different cycle of legends.

2. Rabbinic views. Probably the nearest approach to the idea of Josephus that ‘demons’ were the souls of the wicked, is the (perhaps allegorical) statement that the backbone of a person who did not bow down to worship God became a shed, or demon (Baba K. 16a; Jer. Shabb. 3b). The ordinary names of demons are ‘evil spirits,’ or ‘unclean spirits’ (ruaḥ raah, ruaḥ tumeah), seirim (lit. goats). shedim (sheyda, a demon, male or female, either because their chief habitation is in desolate places, or from the word ‘to fly about,’ or else from ‘to rebel’), and, mazzikin (the hurtful ones). A demoniac is called geḇer shediyin (Ber. R. 65). Even this, that demons are supposed to eat and drink, to propagate themselves, and to die, distinguishes them from the ‘demons’ of the New Testament. The food of demons consists of certain elements in fire and water, and of certain odours. Hence the mode of incantation by incense made of certain ingredients. Of their origin, number, habitation, and general influence, sufficient has been said in the Appendix on Demonology. It is more important here to notice these two Jewish ideas: that demons entered into, or took possession of, men; and that many diseases were due to their agency. The former is frequently expressed. The ‘evil spirit’ constrains a man to do certain things, such as to pass beyond the Sabbath-boundary (Erub. 41b), to eat the Passover-bread, etc. (Rosh ha-Sh. 28a). But it reads more like a caustic than a serious remark when we are informed that these three things deprive a man of his free will and make him transgress: the Cuthaeans, an evil spirit, and poverty (Erub. u.s.). Diseases – such as rabies, angina, asthma, or accidents – such as an encounter with a wild bull, are due to their agency, which, happily, is not unlimited. As stated in App. XIII. the most dangerous demons are those of dirty (secret) places (Shabb. 67a). Even numbers (2, 4, 6, etc.) are always dangerous, so is anything that comes from unwashen hands. For such, or similar oversights, a whole legion of demons is on the watch (Ber. 51a). On the evening of the Passover the demons are bound, and, in general, their power has now been restricted, chiefly to the eves of Wednesday and of the Sabbath (Pes. 109b to 112b passim). Yet there are, as we shall see, circumstances in which it would be foolhardiness to risk their encounter. Without here entering on the views expressed in the Talmud about prophecy, visions and dreams, we turn to the questions germane to our subject

A. Magic and Magicians. We must here bear in mind that the practice of magic was strictly prohibited to Israelites, and that – as a matter of principle at least – witchcraft, or magic, was supposed to have no power over Israel, if they owned and served their God (Chull. 7b; Nedar. 32a). But in this matter also – as will presently appear – theory and practice did not accord. Thus, under certain circumstances, the repetition of magical formulas was declared lawful even on the Sabbath (Sanh. 101a). Egypt was regarded as the home of magic (Kidd. 49b; Shabb. 75a). In connection with this, it deserves notice that the Talmud ascribes the miracles of Jesus to magic, which He had learned during His stay in Egypt, having taken care, when He left, to insert under His skin its rules and formulas, since every traveller, on quitting the country, was searched, lest he should take to other lands the mysteries of magic (Shabb. 104b).

Here it may be interesting to refer to some of the strange ideas which Rabbinism attached to the early Christians, as showing both the intercourse between the two parties, and that the Jews did not deny the gift of miracles in the Church, only ascribing its exercise to magic. Of the existence of such intercourse with Jewish Christians there is abundant evidence. Thus, R. Joshua, the son of Levi (at the end of the second century), was so hard pressed by their quotations from the Bible that, unable to answer, he pronounced a curse on them, which, however, did not come. We gather, that in the first century Christianity had widely spread among the Jews, and R. Ishmael, the son of Elisha, the grandson of that High-Priest who was executed by the Romans (Josephus, War i. 2, 2), seems in vain to have contended against the advance of Christianity. At last he agreed with R. Tarphon that nothing else remained but to burn their writings. It was this R. Ishmael who prevented his nephew Ben Dama from being cured of the bite of a serpent by a Christian, preferring that he should die rather than be healed by such means (Abod. Zar. 27b, about the middle). Similarly, the great R. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, also in the first century, was so suspected of the prevailing heresy that he was actually taken up as a Christian in the persecution of the latter. Though he cleared himself of the suspicion, yet his contemporaries regarded him for a time doubtfully, and all agreed that the troubles which befell him were in punishment for having listened with pleasure to the teaching of the heretics (Ab. Z. 16b, 17a). The following may be mentioned as instances of the magic practiced by these heretics. In Jer. Sanh. 25d, we are told about two great Rabbis who were banned by a heretic to the beam of a bath. In return the Rabbis, by similar means, fastened the heretic to the door of the bath. Having mutually agreed to set each other free, the same parties next met on board a ship. Here the heretic by magical means clave the sea, by way of imitating Moses. On this the Rabbis called upon him to walk through the sea, like Moses, when he was immediately overwhelmed through the ban of R. Joshua! Other stories of a similar and even more absurd character might be quoted. But if such opinions were entertained of Jewish Christians, we can scarcely wonder that all their books were ordered to be burnt (Bemid. R. 9), that even a roll of the Law written by a heretic was to be destroyed (Gitt. 45b), and that Jewish Christians were consigned to eternal punishment in Gehinnom (Rosh. haSh. 17a), from which even the token of circumcision should not deliver them since an Angel would convert it into uncircumcision (Shem R. 19).

But to return. Talmudic writings distinguish several classes of magicians. The baal Oḇ, or conjuror of the dead, evoked a voice from under the armpit, or from other members of the dead body, the arms or other members being struck together, for the purpose of eliciting the sound. Necromancy might be practised in two different ways. The dead might be called up (by a method which scarcely bears description), in which case they would appear with the feet upwards. But this must not be practised on the Sabbath. Or again, a skull might, by magical means, be made to answer. This might be done on the Sabbath also (Sanh. 65a and b). Or a demon might be conjured up by a certain kind of incense, and then employed in magic. A second class of magicians (called yideoni) uttered oracles by putting a certain bone into their mouth. Thirdly, there was the ḥabar, or serpent charmer, a distinction being made between a great and a small Chabar, according as larger or smaller serpents were charmed. Fourthly, we have the meonen, who could indicate what days or hours were lucky and unlucky. Fifthly, there was the ‘searcher after the dead,’ who remained fasting on graves in order to communicate with an unclean spirit; and, lastly, the menaḥesh, who knew what omens were lucky and what unlucky (Sanh. 66a). And if they were treated only as signs and not as omens, the practice was declared lawful (Chull. 95b).

In general the black art might be practised either through demons, or else by the employment of magical means. Among the latter we reckon, not only incantations, but magic by means of the thumb, by a knife with a black handle, or by a glass cup (Sanh. 67b), or by a cup of incantation (Baba Mets. 29b). But there was danger here, since, if all proper rules and cautions were not observed the magician might be hurt by the demon. Such an instance is related, although the Rabbi in question was mercifully preserved by being swallowed by a cedar, which afterwards burst and set him free (Sanh. 101a). Women were specially suspected witchcraft (Jer. Sanh. vii. 25d), and great caution was accordingly enjoined. Thus, it might even be dangerous to lift up loaves of bread (though not broken pieces) lest they should be bewitched (Erub. 64b). A number of instances are related in which persons were in imminent danger from magic, in some of which they suffered not only damage but death, while in others the Rabbis knew how to turn the impending danger against their would-be assailants. (Comp. for example Pes. 110b; Sot 22a; Gitt. 45a; Sanh. 67b). A very peculiar idea is that about the Teraphim of Scripture. It occurs already in the Targum Ps.-Jon. on Gen_31:19, and is found also in the Pirqé de R. Eliez. 100:36. It is stated that the Teraphim were made in the following manner: a first-born was killed, his head cut off, and prepared with salt and spices, after which a gold plate, upon which magical formulas had been graven, was placed under his tongue, when the head was supposed to, give answer to whatever questions might be addressed to it.

B. After this we can scarcely wonder, that so many diseases should have been imputed to magical or else to demoniac influences, and cured either by means or by exorcism. For our present purpose we leave aside not only the question, whether and what diseases were regarded as the punishment of certain sins, but also all questions as to their magical causes and means of cure. We confine our remarks to the supposed power of evil spirits in the production of diseases. Four things are mentioned as dangerous on account of demons, of which we shall only mention three: To walk between two palm-trees, if the space is wider than four cubits; to borrow drinking-water; and to walk over water that has been poured out, unless it have been covered with earth, or spat upon, or you have taken off your shoes (Pes. 111a). Similarly, the shadow of the moon, of certain trees, and of other objects, is dangerous, because demons love to hide there. Much caution must also be observed in regard to the water with which the hands are washed in the morning, as well as in regard to oil for anointing, which must never be taken from a strange vessel which might have been bewitched.

Many diseases are caused by direct demoniac agency. Thus, leprosy (Horay. 10a), rabies (Yoma 83b), heart-disease (Gitt. 67b), madness, asthma (Bechor. 44b), croup (Yoma 77b; Taan. 20b), and other diseases, are ascribed to special demons. And although I cannot find any notices of demoniac possession in the sense of permanent indwelling, yet an evil spirit may seize and influence a person. The nearest approach to demoniac possession is in a legend of two Rabbis who went to Rome to procure the repeal of a persecuting edict, when they were met on board ship by a demon, ben temalion, whose offer of company they accepted, in hope of being able to do some miracle through him. Arrived in Rome, the demon took possession of the daughter of Caesar. On this he was exorcised by the Rabbis (‘Ben Temalion, come out! Ben Temalion, come out!’), when they were rewarded by the offer of anything they might choose from the Imperial Treasury, on which they removed from it the hostile decree (Meilah 17b, about the middle).

As against this one instance, many are related of cares by magical means. By the latter we mean the superstitious and irrational application of means which could in no way affect any disease, although they might sometimes be combined with what might be called domestic remedies. Thus, for a bad cold in the head this remedy is proposed: Pour slowly a quart of the milk of a white goat over three cabbage stalks, keep the pot boiling and stir with a piece of ‘Marmehon-wood’ (Gitt. 69 a, b). The other remedy proposed is the excrement of a white dog mixed with balsam. It need scarcely be said, that the more intractable the disease, the more irrational are the remedies proposed. Thus against blindness by day it is proposed to take of the spleen of seven calves and put it on the basin used by surgeons for bleeding. Next, some one outside the door is to ask the blind man to give him something to eat, when he is to reply: How can I open the door – come in and eat – on which the latter obeys, taking care, however, to break the basin, as else the blindness might strike him. We have here an indication of one of the favourite modes of healing disease – that by its transference to another. But if the loss of the power of vision is greater at night than by day, a cord is to be made of the hair of some animal, one end of which is to be tied to the foot of the patient, the other to that of a dog. The children are to strike together pieces of crockery behind the dog, while the patient repeats these words: ‘The dog is old and the cock is foolish.’ Next seven pieces of meat are to be taken from seven different houses, and hung up on the doorposts, and the dog must afterwards eat the meat on a dunghill in an open place. Lastly, the cord is to be untied when one is to repeat: ‘Let the blindness of M. the son of N. leave M. the son of N. and pierce the eyeballs of the dog!’ (Gitt. 69a).

We have next to refer to strictly magical cures. These were performed by amulets – either preventive, or curative of disease – or else by exorcism. An amulet was regarded as probate, if three cures had been performed by it. In such case it might be put on even on the Sabbath. It consisted either of a piece of parchment (the piṯqa, Sanh. 78b), on which certain magical words were written, or of small bundles of certain plants or herbs (also designated as qemia, an amulet, Shabb. 61a; Kidd. 73b). However, even probate amulets might fail, owing to the adverse constellation under which a person was. In any case the names and numbers of the demons, whose power it was wished to counteract, required to be expressly stated. Sometimes the amulet contained also a verse from the Bible. It need scarcely be said, that the other words written on the amulet had – at least, in their connection – little if any sensible meaning. But those learned in these arts and the Rabbis had the secret of discovering them, so that there was at least no mystery about them, and the formulas used were well known. If the mischief to be counteracted was due to demoniac agency, it might be prevented or removed by a kind of incantation, or by incantation along with other means, or in difficult cases by exorcism. As instances of the first we may quote the following. To ward off any danger from drinking water on a Wednesday or Sabbath-Evening, when evil spirits may rest on it, it is advised either to repeat a passage of Scripture in which the word qol (‘Voice’) occurs seven times (Psa_29:3-9), or else to say this: ‘Lul, Shaphan, Anigron, Anirdaphin – between the stars I sit, betwixt the lean and the fat I walk! (Pes. 112a). Against flatulence, certain remedies are recommended (such as drinking warm water), but they are to be accompanied by the following formula: ‘qapa, qapa, I think of thee, and of thy seven daughters, and eight daughters-in-law!’ (Pes. 116a). Many similar prescriptions might be quoted. As the remedy against blindness has been adduced to point the contrast to the Saviour’s mode of treatment, it may be mentioned that quite a number of remedies are suggested for the cure of a bloody flux – of which perhaps wine in which Persian onions, or anise and saffron, or other plants have been boiled, seem the most rational – the medicament being, however, in each case accompanied by this formula: ‘Be cured of thy flux!’

Lastly, as regards incantation and exorcism, the formulas to be used for the purpose are enumerated. These mostly consist of words which have little if any meaning (so far as we know), but which form a rhyme or alliteration when a syllable is either omitted or added in successive words. The following, for example, is the formula of incantation against boils: ‘baz, baziyah, mas, masiya, kas, kasiyah, sharlai and Amarlai – ye Angels that come from the land of Sodom to heal painful boils. Let the colour not become more red, let it not farther spread, let its seed be absorbed in the belly. As a mule does not propagate itself, so let not this evil propagate itself in the body of M. the son of M.’ (Shabb, 67a). In other formulas the demons are not invoked for the cure, but threatened. We have the following as against another cutaneous disease: ‘A sword drawn, and a sling outstretched! His name is not Yokhabh, and the disease stand still!’ Against danger from the demon of foul places we have the following: ‘On the head of the cast him into a bed of cresses, and beat him with the jawbone of an ass’ (Shabb. 67a). On the other hand, it is recommended as a precaution against the evil eye to put one’s right thumb into the left hand and one’s left thumb into the right hand, and to say: ‘I, M. N. belong to the house of Joseph over whom the evil eye has no power (Ber. 55b). A certain Rabbi gave this as information derived from one of the chief of the witches, by which witchcraft might be rendered harmless. The person in danger should thus address the witches: ‘Hot filth into your mouths from baskets with holes, ye witching women! Let your head become bald, and the wind scatter your breadcrumbs. Let it carry away your spices, let the fresh saffron which you carry in your hands be scattered. Ye witches, so long as I had grace and was careful, I did not come among you, and now I have come, and you are not favourable to me’ (Pes. 110 a, b). To avoid the danger of two or more persons being separated by a dog, a palm-tree, a woman, or a pig, we are advised to repeat a verse from the Bible which begins and ends with the word El (Almighty). Or in passing between women suspected of witchcraft it may be well to repeat this formula: ‘Agrath, Azelath, Asiya, Belusiya are already killed by arrows.’ Lastly, the following may be quoted as a form of exorcism of demons: ‘Burst, curst, dashed, banned be Bar-Tit, Bar-Tema, Bar-Tena, Chashmagoz, Merigoz, and Isteaham!’

It has been a weary and unpleasant task to record such abject superstitions, mostly the outcome of contact with Parsee or other heathen elements. Brief though our sketch has been, we have felt as if it should have been even more curtailed. But it seemed necessary to furnish these unwelcome details in order to remove the possibility of comparing what is reported in the New Testament about the ‘demonised’ and ‘demons’ with Jewish notions on such subjects. Greater contrast could scarcely be conceived than between what we read in the New Testament and the views and practices mentioned in Rabbinic writings – and if this, as it is hoped, has been firmly established, even the ungrateful labour bestowed on collecting these unsavoury notices will have been sufficiently repaid.



Appendix XVII. The Ordinances and Law of the Sabbath as Laid Down in the Mishnah and the Jerusalem Talmud.

(See Book III. ch. 35.)

The terribly exaggerated views of the Rabbis, and their endless, burdensome rules about the Sabbath may best be learned from a brief analysis of the Mishnah, as further explained and enlarged in the Jerusalem Talmud. For this purpose a brief analysis of what is, confessedly, one of the most difficult tractates may here be given.

The Mishnic tractate Sabbath stands at the head of twelve tractates which together form the second of the six sections into which the Mishnah is divided, and which treats of Festive Seasons (seder moed). Properly to understand the Sabbath regulations, it is, however, necessary also to take into account the second tractate in that section, which treats of what are called ‘commixtures’ or, ‘connections’ (Erubin). Its object is to make the Sabbath Laws more bearable. For this purpose, it is explained how places, beyond which it would otherwise have been unlawful to carry things, may be connected together, so as, by a legal fiction, to convert them into a sort of private dwelling. Thus, supposing a number of small private houses to open into a common court, it would have been unlawful on the Sabbath to carry anything from one of these houses into the other. This difficulty is removed if all the families deposit before the Sabbath some food in the common court, when ‘a connection’ is established between the various houses, which makes them one dwelling.. This was called the ‘Erubh of Courts.’ Similarly, an extension of what was allowed as a ‘Sabbath journey’ might be secured by another ‘commixture,’ the ‘Erubh’ or ‘connection of boundaries.’ An ordinary Sabbath day’s journey extended 2,000 cubits beyond one’s dwelling. But if at the boundary of that ‘journey’ a man deposited on the Friday food for two meals, he thereby constituted it his dwelling, and hence might go on for other 2,000 cubits. Lastly, there was another ‘Erubh,’ when narrow streets or blind alleys were connected into ‘a private dwelling’ by laying a beam over the entrance, or extending a wire or rope along such streets and alleys. This, by a legal fiction, made them ‘a private dwelling,’ so that everything was lawful there which a man might do on the Sabbath in his own house.

Without discussing the possible and impossible questions out these Erubin raised by the most ingenious casuistry, let us see how Rabbinism taught Israel to observe its Sabbath. In not less than twenty-four chapters, matters are seriously discussed as of vital religious importance, which one would scarcely imagine a sane intellect would seriously entertain. Through 64½ folio columns in the Jerusalem, and 156 double pages of folio in the Babylon Talmud does the enumeration and discussion of possible cases, drag on, almost unrelieved even by Haggadah. The Talmud itself bears witness to this, when it speaks (no doubt exaggeratedly) of a certain Rabbi who had spent no less than two and a half years in the study of only one of those twenty-four chapters! And it farther bears testimony to the unprofitableness of these endless discussions and determinations. The occasion of this is so curious and characteristic, that it might here find mention. The discussion was concerning a beast of burden. An ass might not be led out on the road with its covering on, unless such had been put on the animal previous to the Sabbath, but it was lawful to lead the animal about in this fashion in one’s courtyard. The same rule applied to a packsaddle, provided it were not fastened on by girth and back-strap. Upon this one of the Rabbis is reported as bursting into the declaration that this formed part of those Sabbath Laws (comp. Chag. i. 8) which were like mountains suspended by a hair! (Jer. Shabb. p. 7, col. b, last lines). And yet in all these wearisome details there is not a single trace of anything spiritual – not a word even to suggest higher thoughts of God’s holy day and its observance,

The tractate on the Sabbath begins with regulations extending its provisions to the close of the Friday afternoon, so as to prevent the possibility of infringing the Sabbath itself, which commenced on the Friday evening. As the most common kind of labour would be that of carrying, this is the first point discussed. The Biblical Law forbade such labour in simple terms (Exo_36:6; comp. Jer_17:22). But Rabbinism developed the prohibition into eight special ordinances, by first dividing ‘the bearing of a burden’ into two separate acts – lifting it up and putting it down – and then arguing, that it might be lifted up or put down from two different places, from a public into a private, or from a private into a public place. Here, of course, there are discussions as to what constituted a ‘private place’ (רשות היחיד); ‘a public place’ (רשות הרבים); ‘a wide space,’ which belongs neither to a special individual nor to a community, such as the sea, a deep wide valley; or else the corner of a property leading out on the road or fields – and, lastly, a ‘legally free place.’ Again, a ‘burden’ meant, as the lowest standard of it the weight of ‘a dried fig.’ But if ‘half a fig’ were carried at two different times – lifted or deposited from a private into a public place, or vice versa – were these two actions to be combined into one so as to constitute the sin of Sabbath desecration? And if so, under what conditions as to state of mind, locality, etc.? And, lastly, how many different sins might one such act involve? To give an instance of the kind of questions that were generally discussed. The standard measure for forbidden food was the size of an olive, just as that for carrying burdens was the weight of a fig. If a man had swallowed forbidden food of the size of half an olive, rejected it, and again eaten of the size of half an olive, he would be guilty, because the palate had altogether tasted food to the size of a whole olive; but if one had deposited in another locality a burden of the weight of half a fig, and removed it again, it involved no guilt, because the burden was altogether only of half a fig, nor even if the first half fig’s burden had been burnt and then a second half fig introduced. Similarly, if an object that was intended to be worn or carried in front had slipped behind it involved no guilt, but if it had been intended to be worn or carried behind, and it slipped forward, this involved guilt, as involving labour.

Similar difficulties were discussed as to the guilt in case an object were thrown from a private into a public place, or the reverse. Whether, if an object was thrown into the air with the left, and caught again in the right hand, this involved sin, was a nice question, though there could be no doubt a man incurred guilt if he caught it with the same hand with which it had been thrown, but he was not guilty if he caught it in his mouth, since, after being eaten, the object no longer existed, and hence catching with the mouth was as if it had been done by a second person. Again, if it rained, and the water which fell from the sky were carried, there was no sin in it; but if the rain had run down from a wall it would involve sin. If a person were in one place, and his hand filled with fruit stretched into another, and the Sabbath overtook him in this attitude, he would have to drop the fruit, since if he withdrew his full hand from one locality into another, he would be carrying a burden on the Sabbath.

It is needless to continue the analysis of this casuistry. All the discussions to which we have referred turn only on the first of the legal canons in the tractate ‘Sabbath.’ They will show what a complicated machinery of merely external ordinances traditionalism set in motion; how utterly unspiritual the whole system was, and how it required no small amount of learning and ingenuity to avoid committing grievous sin. In what follows we shall only attempt to indicate the leading points in the Sabbath-legislation of the Rabbis.

Shortly before the commencement of the Sabbath (late on Friday afternoon) nothing new was to be begun; the tailor might no longer go out with his needle, nor the scribe with his pen; nor were clothes to be examined by lamp-light. A teacher might not allow his pupils to read, if he himself looked on the book. All these are precautionary measures. The tailor or scribe carrying his ordinary means of employment, might forget the advent of the holy day; the person examining a dress might kill insects, which is strictly forbidden on the Sabbath, and the teacher might move the lamp to see better, while the pupils were not supposed to be so zealous as to do this.

These latter rules, we are reminded, were passed at a certain celebrated discussion between the schools of Hillel and Shammai, when the latter were in the majority. On that occasion also opposition to the Gentiles was carried to its farthest length, and their food, their language, their testimony, their presence, their intercourse, in short, all connection with them denounced. The school of Shammai also forbade to make any mixture, the ingredients of which would not be wholly dissolved and assimilated before the Sabbath. Nay, the Sabbath law was declared to apply even to lifeless objects. Thus, wool might not be dyed if the process was not completed before the Sabbath. Nor was it even lawful to sell anything to a heathen unless the object would reach its destination before the Sabbath, nor to give to a heathen workman anything to do which might involve him in Sabbath work. Thus, Rabbi Gamaliel was careful to send his linen to be washed three days before the Sabbath. But it was lawful to leave olives or grapes in the olive or wine-press. Both schools were agreed that, in roasting or baking, a crust must have been formed before the Sabbath, except in case of the Passover lamb. The Jerusalem Talmud, however, modifies certain of these rules. Thus the prohibition of work to a heathen only implies, if they work in the house of the Jew, or at least in the same town with him. The school of Shammai, however, went so far as to forbid sending a letter by a heathen, not only on a Friday or on a Thursday, but even on a Wednesday, or to embark on the sea on these days.

It being assumed that the lighting of the Sabbath lamp was a law given to Moses on Mount Sinai, the Mishnah proceeds, in the second chapter of the tractate on the Sabbath, to discuss the substances of which respectively the wick and the oil may be composed, provided always that the oil which feeds the wick is not put in a separate vessel, since the removal of that vessel would cause the extinction of the lamp, which would involve a breach of the Sabbath law. But if the light were extinguished from fear of the Gentiles, of robbers, or of an evil spirit or in order that one dangerously ill might go to sleep, it involved no guilt. Here, many points in casuistry are discussed, such as whether twofold guilt is incurred if in blowing out, a candle its flame lights another. The Mishnah here diverges to discuss the other commandments, which, like that of lighting the Sabbath lamp, specially devolve on women, on which occasion the Talmud breaches some curious statement about the heavenly Sanhedrin and Satan, such as that it is in moments of danger that the Great Enemy brings accusations against us, in order to ensure our ruin; or this, that on three occasions he specially lies in ambush: when one travels alone, when one sleeps alone in a dark house, and when one crosses the sea. In regard to the latter we may note as illustrative of Paul’s warning not to travel after the fast (Day of Atonement), that the Jewish proverb had it: ‘When you bind your lulaḇ  (at the Feast of Tabernacles) bind also your feet’ – as regards a sea-voyage (Jer. Shabb. 5b, Ber. R. 6).

The next two chapters in the tractate on the Sabbath discuss the manner In which food may be kept warm for the Sabbath, since no fire might be lighted. If the food had been partially cooked, or was such as would improve by increased heat, there would be temptation to attend to the fire, and this must be avoided. Hence the oven was immediately before the Sabbath only to be heated with straw or chaff; if otherwise, the coals were to be removed or covered with ashes. Clothes ought not to be dried by the hot air of a stove. At any rate, care must be taken that the neighbours do not see it. An egg may not be boiled by putting it near a hot kettle, nor in a cloth, nor in sand heated by the sun. Cold water might be poured on warm, but not the reverse (at least such was the opinion of the school of Shammai), nor was it lawful to prepare either cold or warm compresses. ‘Nay, a Rabbi went so far as to forbid throwing hot water over one’s self, for fear of spreading the vapour, or of cleaning the floor thereby! A vessel might be put under a lamp to catch the falling sparks, but no water might be put into it, because it was not lawful to extinguish a light. Nor would it have been allowed on the Sabbath to put a vessel to receive the drops of oil that might fall from the lamp. Among many other questions raised was this: whether a parent might take his child in his arms. Happily Rabbinic literality went so far as not only to allow this, but even in the supposed case that the child might happen to have a stone in its hands, although this would involve the labour of carrying that stone! Similarly, it was declared lawful to lift seats, provided they had not, as it were, four steps, when they must be considered as ladders. But it was not allowed to draw along chairs, as this might produce a rut or cavity, although a little carriage might be moved, since the wheels would only compress the soil but not produce a cavity (comp. in the Bab. Talmud, Shabb. 22a; 46; and Bets. 23b).

Again, the question is discussed, whether it is lawful to keep the food warm by wrapping around a vessel certain substances. Here the general canon is, that all must be avoided which would increase the heat: since this would be to produce some outward effect, which would be equivalent to work.

In the fifth chapter of the tractate we are supposed to begin the Sabbath morning. Ordinarily, the first business of the morning would, of course, have been to take out the cattle. Accordingly, the laws are now laid down for ensuring Sabbath rest to the animals. The principle underlying these is, that only what serves as ornament, or is absolutely necessary for leading out or bringing back animals, or for safety, may be worn by them; all else is regarded as a burden. Even such things as might be put on to prevent the rubbing of a wound, or other possible harm, or to distinguish an animal, must be left aside on the day of rest.

Next, certain regulations are laid down to guide the Jew when dressing on the Sabbath morning, so as to prevent his breaking its rest. Hence he must be careful not to put on any dress which might become burdensome, nor to wear any ornament which he might put off and carry in his hand, for this would be a ‘burden.’ A woman must not wear such headgear as would require unloosing before taking a bath, nor go out with such ornaments as could be taken off in the street, such as a frontlet, unless it is attached to the cap, nor with a gold crown, nor with a necklace or nose-ring, nor with rings, nor have a pin in her dress. The reason for this prohibition of ornaments was, that in their vanity women might take them off to show them to their companions, and then, forgetful of the day, carry them, which would be a ‘burden.’ Women are also forbidden to look in the glass on the Sabbath, because they might discover a white hair and attempt to pull it out, which would be a grievous sin; but men ought not to use looking glasses even on weekdays, because this was undignified. A woman may walk about her own court, but not in the street, with false hair. Similarly, a man was forbidden to wear on the Sabbath wooden shoes studded with nails, or only one shoe, as this would involve labour; nor was he to wear phylacteries nor amulets, unless, indeed, they had been made by competent persons (since they might lift them off in order to show the novelty). Similarly, it was forbidden to wear any part of a suit of armour. It was not lawful to scrape shoes, except perhaps with the back of a knife, but they might be touched with oil or water. Nor should sandals be softened with oil, because that would improve them. It was a very serious question, which led to much discussion, what should be done if the tie of a sandal had broken on the Sabbath. A plaster might be worn, provided its object was to prevent the wound from getting worse, not to heal it, for that would have been a work. Ornaments which could not easily be taken off might be worn in one’s courtyard. Similarly, a person might go about with wadding in his ear, but not with false teeth nor with a gold plug in the tooth. If the wadding fell out of the ear, it could not be replaced. Some, indeed, thought that its healing virtues lay in the oil in which it had been soaked, and which had dried up, but others ascribed them to the warmth of the wadding itself. In either case there was danger of healing – of doing anything for the purpose of a cure – and hence wadding might not be put into the ear on the Sabbath, although if worn before it might be continued. Again, as regarded false teeth: they might fall out, and the wearer might then lift and carry them, which would be sinful on the Sabbath. But anything which formed part of the ordinary dress of a person might be worn also on the Sabbath, and children whose ears were being bored might have a plug, put into the hole. It was also allowed to go about on crutches, or with a wooden leg, and children might have bells on their dresses; but it was prohibited to walk on stilts, or to carry any heathen amulet.

The seventh chapter of the tractate contains the most important part of the whole. It opens by laying down the principle that, if a person has either not known, or forgotten, the whole Sabbath law, all the breaches of it which he has committed during ever so many weeks are to be considered as only one error or one sin. If he has broken the Sabbath law by mistaking the day, every Sabbath thus profaned must be atoned for; but if he has broken the law because he thought that what he did was permissible, then every separate infringement constitutes a separate sin, although labours which stand related as species to the genus are regarded as only one work. It follows, that guilt attaches to the state of mind rather than to the outward deed. Next, forty less one chief or ‘fathers’ of work (Aboṯ) are enumerated, all of which are supposed to be forbidden in the Bible. They are: sowing, ploughing, reaping, binding sheaves, threshing, winnowing, sifting (selecting), grinding, sifting in a sieve, kneading, baking; shearing the wool, washing it, beating it, dyeing it, spinning, putting it on the weaver’s beam, making two thrum threads, weaving two threads, separating two threads, making a knot, undoing a knot, sewing two stitches, tearing in order to sew two stitches; catching deer, killing, skinning, salting it, preparing its skin, scraping off its hair, cutting it up, writing two letters, scraping in order to write two letters; building, pulling down, extinguishing fire, lighting fire, beating with the hammer, and carrying from one possession into the other.

The number thirty-nine is said to represent the number of times that the word ‘labour’ occurs in the Biblical text, and all these Aboṯ or ‘fathers’ of work are supposed to be connected with some work that had been done about the Tabernacle, or to be kindred to such work. Again, each of these principal works involved the prohibition of a number of others which were derived from them, and hence called their ‘descendants’ (toledoṯ). The thirty-nine principal works have been arranged in four groups,: the first (1-11) referring to the preparation of bread; the second (12-24) to all connected with dress; the third (25-33) to all connected with writing; and the last (34-39) to all the work necessary for a private house. Another Rabbi derives the number thirty-nine (of these Aboṯ) from the numerical value of the initial word in Exo_35:1, although in so doing he has to change the last letter (לאה, the ה must be changed into a ח to make thirty-nine). Further explanations must here be added. If you scatter two seeds, you have been sowing. In general, the principle is laid down, that anything by which the ground may be benefited is to be considered a ‘work’ or ‘labour’ even if it were to sweep away or to break up a clod of earth. Nay, to pluck a blade of grass was a sin. Similarly, it was sinful labour to do anything that would promote the ripening of fruits, such as to water, or even to remove a withered leaf. To pick fruit, or even to lift it from the ground, would be like reaping. If, for example, a mushroom were cut, there would be a twofold sin, since by the act of cutting, a now one would spring in its place. According to the Rabbis of Caesarea, fishing, and all that put an end to life, must be ranked with harvesting. In connection with the conduct of the disciples in rubbing the ears of corn on the Sabbath, it is interesting to know that all work connected with food would be classed as one of the toledoṯ, of binding into sheaves. If a woman were to roll wheat to take away the husks, she would be guilty of sifting with a sieve. If she were rubbing the ends of the stalks, she would be guilty of threshing. If she were cleaning what adheres to the side of a stalk, she would be guilty of sifting. If she were bruising the stalk, she would be guilty of grinding. If she were throwing it up in her hands, she would be guilty of winnowing. Distinctions like the following are made: A radish may be dipped into salt, but not left in it too long, since this would be to make pickle. A new dress might be put on, irrespective of the danger that in so doing it might be torn. Mud on the dress might be crushed in the hand and shaken off, but the dress must not be rubbed (for fear of affecting the material). If a person took a bath, opinions are divided, whether the whole body should be dried at once, or limb after limb. If water had fallen on the dress, some allowed the dress to be shaken but not wrung; others, to be wrung but not shaken. One Rabbi allowed to spit into the handkerchief, and that although it may necessitate the compressing of what had been wetted; but there is a grave discussion whether it was lawful to spit on the ground, and then to rub it with the foot, because thereby the earth may be scratched. It may, however, be done on stones. In the labour of grinding would be included such an act as crushing salt. To sweep, or to water the ground, would involve the same sin as beating out the corn. To lay on a plaster would be a grievous sin; to scratch out a big letter, leaving room for two small ones, would be a sin, but to write one big letter occupying the room of two small letters was no sin. To change one letter into another might imply a double sin. And so on through endless details!

The Mishnah continues to explain that, in order to involve guilt, the thing carried from one locality to another must be sufficient to be entrusted for safe keeping. The quantity is regulated: as regards the food of animals, to ‘the capacity of their mouth; as regards man, a dried fig is the standard. As regards fluids, the measure is as much wine as was used for one cup, that is – the measure of the cup being a quarter of a log, and wine being mixed with water in the proportion of three parts water to one of wine – one-sixteenth of a log. As regards a mouthful; of honey, sufficient to lay on a wound; of oil, sufficient to anoint the smallest member; of water, sufficient to wet eyesalve; and of all other fluids, a quarter of a log.

As regarded other substances, the standard as to what constituted a burden was whether the thing could be turned to any practical use, however trifling. Thus, two horses hairs might be made into a birdtrap; a scrap of clean paper into a custom-house notice; a small piece of paper written upon might be converted into a wrapper for a small flagon. In all these cases, therefore, transport would involve sin. Similarly, ink sufficient to write two letters, wax enough to fill up a small hole, even a pebble with which you might aim at a little bird, or a small piece of broken earthenware with which you might stir the coals, would be ‘burdens’

Passing to another aspect of the subject, the Mishnah lays it down that, in order to constitute sin, a thing must have been carried from one locality into another entirely and immediately, and that it must have been done in the way in which things are ordinarily carried. If an object which one person could carry is carried by two, they are not guilty. Finally, like all labour on the Sabbath, that of cutting one’s nails or hair involves mortal sin, but only if it is done in the ordinary way, otherwise only the lesser sin of the breach of the Sabbath rest. A very interesting notice in connection with Jn 5, is that in which it is explained how it would not involve sin to carry a living person on a pallet, the pallet being regarded only as an accessory to the man; while to carry a dead body in such manner, or even the smallest part of a dead body, would involve guilt.

From this the Mishnah proceeds to discuss what is analogous to carrying, such as drawing or throwing. Other ‘labours’ are similarly made the subject of inquiry, and it is shown how any approach to them involves guilt. The rule here is, that anything that might prove of lasting character must not be done on the Sabbath. The same rule applies to what might prove the beginning of work, such as letting the hammer fall on the anvil; or to anything that might contribute to improve a place, to gathering as much wood as would boil an egg, to uprooting weeds, to writing two letters of a word – in short, to anything that might be helpful in, or contribute towards, some future work.

The Mishnah next passes to such work in which not quantity, but quality, is in question – such as catching deer. Here it is, explained that anything by which an animal might be caught is included in the prohibition. So far is this carried that, if a deer had run into a house, and the door were shut upon it, it would involve guilt, and this, even if, without closing the door, persons seated themselves at the entry to prevent the exit of the animal.

Passing over the other chapters, which similarly illustrate what are supposed to be Biblical prohibitions of labour as defined in the thirty-nine Aboṯ and their toledoṯ, we come, in the sixteenth chapter of the tractate, to one of the most interesting parts, containing such Sabbath laws as, by their own admission, were imposed only by the Rabbis. These embrace: 1. Things forbidden, because they might lead to a transgression of the Biblical command; 2. Such as are like the kinds of labour supposed to be forbidden in the Bible; 3. Such as are regarded as incompatible with the honour due to the Sabbath. In the first class are included a number of regulations in case of a fire. All portions of Holy Scripture, whether in the original or translated, and the case in which they are laid; the phylacteries and their case, might be rescued from the flames. Of food or drink only what was needful for the Sabbath might be rescued; but if the food were in a cupboard or basket the whole might be carried out. Similarly, all utensils needed for the Sabbath meal, but of dress only what was absolutely necessary, might be saved, it being, however, provided, that a person might put on a dress, save it, go back and put on another, and so on. Again, anything in the house might be covered with a skin so as to save it from the flames, or the spread of the flames might be arrested by piling up vessels. It was not lawful to ask a Gentile to extinguish the flame, but not duty to hinder him, if he did so. It was lawful to put a vessel over a lamp, to prevent the ceiling from catching fire; similarly, to throw a vessel over a scorpion, although on that point there is doubt. On the other hand, it is allowed, if a Gentile has lighted a lamp on the Sabbath, to make use of it, the fiction being, however, kept up that he did it for himself, and not for the Jew. By the same fiction the cattle may be watered, or, in fact, any other use made of his services.

Before passing from this, we should point out that it was directed that the Hagiographa should not be read except in the evening, since the daytime was to be devoted to more doctrinal studies. In the same connection it is added, that the study of the Mishnah is more important than that of the Bible, that of the Talmud being considered the most meritorious of all, as enabling one to understand all questions of right and wrong. Liturgical pieces, though containing the Name of God, might not be rescued from the flames. The Gospels and the writings of Christians, or of heretics, might not be rescued. If it be asked what should be done with them on weekdays, the answer is, that the Names of God which they contain ought to be cut out, and then the books themselves burned. One of the Rabbis, however, would have had them burnt at once, indeed, he would rather have fled into an idolatrous temple than into a Christian church: ‘for the idolators deny God because they have not known Him, but the apostates are worse.’ To them applied Psa_139:21, and, if it was lawful to wash out in the waters of jealousy the Divine Name in order to restore peace, much more would it be lawful to burn such books, even though they contained the Divine Name, because they led to enmity between Israel and their Heavenly Father.

Another chapter of the tractate deals with the question of the various pieces of furniture – how far they may be moved and used. Thus, curtains, or a lid, may be regarded as furniture, and hence used. More interesting is the next chapter (xviii.), which deals with things forbidden by the Rabbis because they resemble those kinds of labour supposed to be interdicted in the Bible. Here it is declared lawful, for example, to remove quantities of straw or corn in order to make room for guests, or for an assembly of students, but the whole barn must not be emptied, because in so doing the floor might be injured. Again, as regards animals, some assistance might be given, if an animal was about to have its young, though not to the same amount as to a woman in childbirth, for whose sake the Sabbath might be desecrated. Lastly, all might be done on the holy day needful for circumcision. At the same time, every preparation possible for the service should be made the day before. The Mishnah proceeds to enter here on details not necessarily connected with the Sabbath law.

In the following chapter (xx.) the tractate goes on to indicate such things as are only allowed on the Sabbath on condition that they are done differently, from ordinary days. Thus, for example, certain solutions ordinarily made in water should be made in vinegar. The food for horses or cattle must not be taken out of the manger, unless it is immediately given to some other animal. The bedding straw must not be turned with the hand, but with other parts of the body. A press in which linen is smoothed may be opened to take out napkins, but must not be screwed down again, etc.

The next chapter proceeds upon the principle that, although everything is to be avoided which resembles the labours referred to in the Bible, the same prohibition does not apply to such labours as resemble those interdicted by the Rabbis. The application of this principle is not, however, of interest to general readers.

In the twenty-second chapter the Mishnah proceeds to show that all the precautions of the Rabbis had only this object: to prevent an ultimate breach of a Biblical prohibition. Hence, where such was not to be feared, an act might be done. For example, a person might bathe in mineral waters, but not carry home the linen with which he had dried himself. He might anoint and rub the body, but not to the degree of making himself tired; but he might not use any artificial remedial measures, such as taking a shower-bath. Bones might not be set, nor emetics given, nor any medical or surgical operation performed.

In the last two chapters the Mishnah points out those things which are unlawful as derogatory to the dignity of the Sabbath. Certain things are here of interest as bearing on the question of purchasing things for the feast-day. Thus, it is expressly allowed to borrow wine, or oil, or bread on the Sabbath, and to leave one’s upper garment in pledge, though one should not express it in such manner as to imply it was a loan. Moreover, it is expressly added that if the day before the Passover falls on a Sabbath, one may in this manner purchase a Paschal lamb, and, presumably, all else that is needful for the feast. This shows how Judas might have been sent on the eve of the Passover to purchase what was needful, for the law applying to a feast-day was much less strict than that of the Sabbath. Again, to avoid the possibility of effacing anything written, it was forbidden to read from a tablet the names of one’s guests, or the menu. It was lawful for children to cast lots for their portions at table, but not with strangers, for this might lead to a breach of the Sabbath, and to games of chance. Similarly, it was improper on the Sabbath to engage workmen for the following week, nor should one be on the watch for the close of that day to begin one’s ordinary work. It was otherwise if religious obligations awaited one at the close of the Sabbath, such as attending to a bride, or making preparations for a funeral. On the Sabbath itself it was lawful to do all that was absolutely necessary connected with the dead, such as to anoint or wash the body, although without moving the limbs, nor might the eyes of the dying be closed – a practice which, indeed, was generally denounced.

In the last chapter of the tractate the Mishnah returns to the discussion of punctilious details. Supposing a traveller to arrive in a place just as the Sabbath commenced, he must only take from his beast of burden such objects as are allowed to be handled on the Sabbath. As for the rest, he may loosen the ropes and let them fall down of themselves. Further, it is declared lawful to unloose bundles of straw, or to rub up what can only be eaten in that condition; but care must be taken that nothing is done which is not absolutely necessary. On the other hand, cooking would not be allowed – in short, nothing must be done but what was absolutely necessary to satisfy the cravings of hunger or thirst. Finally, it was declared lawful on the Sabbath to absolve from vows, and to attend to similar religious calls.

Detailed as this analysis of the Sabbath law is, we have not by any means exhausted the subject. Thus, one of the most curious provisions of the Sabbath law was, that on the Sabbath only such things were to be touched or eaten as had been expressly prepared on a weekday with a view to the Sabbath (Bez. 2b). Anything not so destined was forbidden, as the expression is ‘on account of muqṣah’ (מוקצה), i.e. as not having been the ‘intention.’ Jewish dogmatists enumerate nearly fifty cases in which that theological term finds its application. Thus, if a hen had laid on the Sabbath, the egg was forbidden, because, evidently, it could not have been destined on a weekday for eating, since it was not yet laid, and did not exist; while if the hen had been kept, not for laying but for fattening, the egg might be eaten as forming a part of the hen that had fallen off! But when the principle of muqṣah is applied to the touching of things which are not used because they have become ugly (and hence are not in one’s mind), so that, for example, an old lamp may not be touched, or raisins during the process of drying them (because they are not eatable then), it will be seen how complicated such a law must have been.

Chiefly from other tractates of the Talmud the following may here be added. It would break the Sabbath rest to climb a tree, to ride, to swim, to clap one’s hands, to strike one’s side, or to dance. All judicial acts, vows, and tilling were also prohibited on that day (Bez. Psa_139:2). It has already been noted that aid might be given or promised for a woman in her bed. But the Law went further. While it prohibited the application or use on the Sabbath of any remedies that would bring improvement or cure to the sick, ‘all actual danger to life,’ (כל ספק נפשית רוחה את חשבת, Yoma viii. 6) superseded the Sabbath law, but nothing short of that. Thus, to state an extreme case, if on the Sabbath a wall had fallen on a person, and it were doubtful whether he was under the ruins or not, whether he was alive or dead, a Jew or Gentile, it would be duty to clear away the rubbish sufficiently to find the body. If life, were not extinct the labour would have to be continued; but if the person were dead nothing further should be done to extricate the body. Similarly, a Rabbi allowed the use of remedies on the Sabbath in throat diseases, on the express ground that he regarded them as endangering life. On a similar principle a woman with child or a sick person was allowed to break even the fast of the Day of Atonement, while one who had a maniacal attack of morbid craving for food (בולמוס) = βούλιμος might on that sacred day have even unlawful food (Yoma viii. 5, 6).

Such are the leading provisions by which Rabbinism enlarged the simple Sabbath-law as expressed in the Bible, and, in its anxiety to ensure its most exact observance, changed the spiritual import of its rest into a complicated code of external and burdensome ordinances. Shall we then wonder at Christ’s opposition to the Sabbath-ordinances of the Synagogue, or, on the other hand, at the enmity of its leaders? and can greater contrast be imagined than between the teaching of Christ on this subject, and that of his most learned and most advanced contemporaries? And whence this difference unless Christ was the ‘Teacher come from God,’ Who spake as never before man had spoken?



Appendix XVIII. Haggadah About Simeon Kepha (Legend of Simon Peter.)

(אגדתא דשמעון כיפא)

(Book III. ch. xxxvii)

This Haggadah exists in four different Recensions (comp. Jellinek, Beth ha-Midrash, Pt. V. and Pt. VI., pp. ix., x). The first of these, reproduced by Jellinek (u.s. Pt. V. p. 26:&c., and pp. 60-62) was first published by Wagenseil in his collection of Antichristian writings, the Tela Ignea Satanae, at the close of that blasphemous production, the sep̱er toledoṯ Jeshu (pp. 19-24). The second Recension is that by Huldrich (Leyden, 1705); the third has been printed, as is inferred, at Breslau in 1824; while the fourth exists only in MS. Dr. Jellinek has substantially reproduced (without the closing sentences) the text of Wagenseil’s (u.s. Pt. V.), and also Recensions III. and IV. (u.s. Pt. VI.). He regards Recension IV. as the oldest; but we infer from its plea against the abduction of Jewish children by Christians and against forced baptisms, as well as from the use of certain expressions, that Recension IV. is younger than the text of Wagenseil, which seems to present the legend in its most primitive form. Even this, however, appears a mixture of several legends; or perhaps the original may afterwards have been interpolated. It were impossible to fix even approximately the age of this oldest Recension, but in its present form it must date after the establishment of Christianity in Rome, and that of the Papacy, though it seems to contain older elements. It may be regarded as embodying certain ancient legends among the Jews about Peter, but adapted to later times, and cast in an apologetic form. A brief criticism of the document will best follow an abstract of the text, according to the first or earlier Recension.

The text begins by a notice that the strife between the Nazarenes and the Jews had grown to such proportions that they separated, since any Nazarene who saw a Jew would kill him. Such became the misery for thirty years, that the Nazarenes increased to thousands and myriads, and prevented the Jews from going up to the feasts of Jerusalem. And the distress was as great as at the time of the Golden Calf. And still the opposing faith increased, and twelve wicked men went out, who traversed the twelve kingdoms: And they prophesied false prophecies in the camp, and they misled Israel, and they were men of reputation, and strengthened the faith of Jesus, for they said that they were the Apostles of the Crucified. And they drew to themselves a large number from among the children of Israel. On this the text describes, how the sages in Israel were afflicted and humbled themselves, each confessing to his neighbour the sins which had brought this evil, and earnestly asking of God to give them direction how to arrest the advance of Nazarene doctrine and persecution. As they finished their prayer, up rose an elder from their midst, whose name was Simeon Kepha, who had formerly put into requisition the baṯ kol and said: ‘Hearken to me, my brethren and my people! If my words are good in your sight, I will separate those sinners from the congregation of the children of Israel, and they shall have neither part nor inheritance in the midst of Israel, if only you take upon you the sin. And they all answered and said: We will take upon us the sin, if only then wilt do what thou hast said.’ Upon this, the narrative proceeds, Peter went into the Sanctuary, wrote the Ineffable Name, and inserted it in his flesh. Having learnt the Ineffable Name, he went to the metropolis (‘metropolin’) of the Nazarenes, and proclaimed that every believer in Christ should come to him, since he was an Apostle. The multitudes required that he should prove his claim by a sign (‘oṯ’) such as Jesus had done while He was alive, when Peter, through the power of the Ineffable Name, restored a leper, by laying on of hands, and raised the dead. When the Nazarenes saw this, they fell on their faces, and acknowledged his Apostolate. Then Peter delivered this as his message, first bidding them swear to do as he would command: ‘Know (said he) that the Crucified hated Israel and their law, as Isaiah prophesied: “Your new moons and your feasts my soul hateth;” know also, that he delighteth not in Israel, as Hosea prophesied: “You are not my people.” And although it is in His power to extirpate them from the world in a moment, from out of every place, yet He does not purpose to destroy them, but intends to leave them, in order that they be in memory of His Crucifixion and lapidation to all generations. Besides, know that He bore all those great sufferings and afflictions to redeem you from Gehenna. And now He admonishes and commands you, that you should do no evil to the Jews: and if a Jew says to a Nazarene, “Go with me one parasang” (Persian mile about three English miles), let him go with him two parasangs. And if a Jew smites him on the left cheek, let him present to him also the right cheek, in order that they may have their reward in this world, while in the next they will be punished in Gehenna. And if you do thus, you will deserve to sit with Him in His portion. And behold, what He commands you is, that ye shall not observe the Feast of the Passover, but observe the day of His death. And instead of the Feast of Pentecost observe forty days from the time that He was slain to when He went up into heaven. And instead of the Feast of Tabernacles observe the day of His birth, and on the eighth day after His birth observe that on which He was circumcised.’

To these commands all agreed, on condition that Peter should remain with them. This he consented to do, on the understanding that he would not eat anything except bread of misery and water of affliction – presumably not only to avoid forbidden food, but in expiatory suffering for his sin – and that they should build him a tower in the midst of the city, in which he would remain unto the day of his death, all which provisions were duly carried out. It is added, that in this tower he served the God of his fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. What is still stranger, it is added, that he wrote many piutim – a certain class of liturgical poems which form part of the Synagogue service – and that he sent these throughout all Israel to be in perpetual memory of him, and especially that he despatched them to the Rabbis. The remark is the more noteworthy, as other Jewish writers also describe the Apostle Peter as the author of several liturgical poems, of which one is still repeated in the Synagogue on Sabbaths and Feast-days (comp. Jellinek, Beth ha-Midr., part v., p. 61, note). But to return. Peter is said to have remained in that tower for six years, when he died, and by his direction was buried within the tower. But the Nazarenes raised there a great fabric, ‘and this tower may be seen in Rome, and they call it Peter, which is the word for a stone, because he sat on a stone till the day of his death. But after his death another person named Elijah came, in the wickedness and cunning of his heart to mislead them. And he said to them that Simon had deceived them, for that Jesus had commanded him to tell them: it had not come into His heart to despise the Law of Moses; that if any one wished to circumcise, he should circumcise; but if any one did not wish to be circumcised, let him be immersed in foul waters. And even if he were not immersed, he would not thereby be in danger in the world. And he commanded that they should not observe the seventh day, but only the first day, because on it were created the heavens and the earth. And he made to them many statutes which were not good. But the people asked him: Give us a true sign that Jesus hath sent thee. And he said to them: What is the sign that you seek? And the word had not been out of his mouth when a great stone of immense weight fell and crushed his head. So perish all Thine enemies, O God, but let them that love Thee be as the sun when he goeth forth in his strength!

Thus far what we regard as the oldest Recension. The chief variations between this and the others are, that in the third Recension the opponent of Peter is called Abba Shaul (John also is mentioned; Jellinek, u.s. part vi., p. 156), while in the fourth Recension (in MS.), which consists of nineteen chapters, this opponent is called Elijah. In the latter Recension there is mention of Antioch and Tiberias, and other places connected with the lives of Peter and Paul, and the early history of the Church. But the occurrence of certain Romanic words, such as Papa, Vescova, etc., shows its later date. Again, we mark that, according to Recensions III. and IV., Peter sent his liturgical pieces to Babylon, which may either indicate that at the time of the document ‘Babylon’ was the centre of the Jewish population, or else be a legendary reminiscence of Peter’s labours in ‘the Church that is in Babylon’ (1Pe_5:13). In view of modern controversies it is of special interest that, according to the Jewish legend, Peter, secretly a Jew, advised the Christians to throw off completely the law of Moses, while Paul, in opposition to him, stands up for Israel and the Law, and insists that either circumcision or baptism may be practised. It will be further noted, that the object of the document seems to be: 1st, to serve as an ‘apology’ for Judaism, by explaining how it came that so many Jews, under the leadership of Apostles, embraced the new faith. This seems to be traced to the continued observance of Jewish legal practices by the Christians. Simon Peter is supposed to have arrested the progress of Christianity by separating the Church from the Synagogue, which he did by proclaiming that Israel were rejected, and the Law of Moses abolished. On the other hand, Paul is represented as the friend of the Jews, and as proclaiming that the question of circumcision or baptism, of legal observances or Christian practices, was a matter of indifference. This attempt to heal the breach between the Church and the Synagogue had been the cause of Divine judgment on him. 2ndly, The legend is intended as an apology for the Jews, with a view to ward off persecution. 3rdly, It is intended to show that the leaders of the Christians remained in heart Jews. It will perhaps not be difficult – at least, hypothetically – to separate the various legends mixed up, or perhaps interpolated in the tractate. From the mention of the piutim and the ignorance as to their origin, we might be disposed to assign the composition of the legend in its present form to about the eighth century of our era.



Appendix XIX. On Eternal Punishment, According to the Rabbis and the New Testament.

(See Book V. ch. vi.)

The Parables of the ‘Ten Virgins’ and of the ‘Unfaithful Servant’ close with a Discourse on ‘the Last Things,’ the final Judgment, and the fate of those at Christ’s Right Hand and at His Left (Mt 25:31-46). This final Judgment by our Lord forms a fundamental article in the Creed of the Church. It is the Christ Who comes, accompanied by the Angelic Host, and sits down on the throne of His Glory, when all nations are gathered before Him. Then the final separation is made, and joy or sorrow awarded in accordance with the past of each man’s history. And that past, as in relationship to the Christ – whether it have been ‘with’ Him or ‘not with’ Him, which latter is now shown to be equivalent to an ‘against’ Him. And while, in the deep sense of a love to Christ which is utterly self-forgetful in its service and utterly humble in its realisation of Him to Whom no real service can be done by man, to their blessed surprise, those on ‘the Right’ find work and acknowledgment where they had never thought of its possibility, every ministry of their life, however small, is now owned of Him as rendered to Himself – partly, because the new direction, from which all such ministry sprang, was of ‘Christ in’ them, and partly, because of the identification of Christ with His people. On the other hand, as the lowest service of him who has the new inner direction is Christward, so does ignorance, or else ignoration, of Christ (‘When saw we Thee…?’) issue in neglect of service and labour of love, and neglect of service proceed from neglect and rejection of Christ. And so his life either ‘to’ Christ or ‘not to’ Christ, and necessarily ends in ‘the Kingdom prepared from the foundation of the world’ or in ‘the eternal fire which is prepared for the Devil and his angels.’

Thus far the meaning of the Lord’s Words, which could only be impaired by any attempt at commentation. But they also raise questions of the deepest importance, in which not only the head, but perhaps much more the heart, is interested, as regards the precise meaning of the term ‘everlasting’ and ‘eternal’ to this and other connections, so far as those on the Left Hand of Christ are concerned. The subject has of late attracted renewed attention. The doctrine of the Eternity of Punishments, with the proper explanations and limitations given to it in the teaching of the Church, has been set forth by Dr. Pusey in his Treatise: ‘What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment?’ Before adverting, however briefly, to the New Testament teaching, it seems desirable with some fulness to set forth the Jewish views on this subject. For the views held at the time of Christ, whatever they were, must have been those which the hearers of Christ entertained; and whatever these views, Christ did not, at least directly, contradict or, so far as we can infer, intend to correct them. And here we have happily sufficient materials for a history of Jewish opinions at different periods on the Eternity of Punishments; and it seems the more desirable carefully to set it forth, as statements both inaccurate and incomplete have been put forward on the subject.

Leaving aside the teaching of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigraphic Writings (to which Dr. Pusey has sufficiently referred), the first Rabbinic utterances come to us from the time immediately before that of Christ, from the Schools of Shammai and Hillel (Rosh haSh. 16b last four lines, and 17a). The former arranged all mankind into three classes: the perfectly righteous, who are ‘immediately written and sealed to eternal life;’ the perfectly wicked, who are ‘immediately written and sealed to Gehenna;’ and an intermediate class, ‘who go down to Gehinnom, and moan, and come up again,’ according to Zec_13:9, and which seemed also indicated in certain words in the Song of Hannah (1Sa_2:6). The careful reader will notice that this statement implies belief in Eternal Punishment on the part of the School of Shammai. For (1) The perfectly wicked are spoken of as ‘written and sealed unto Gehenna;’ (2) The School of Shammai expressly quotes, in support of what it teaches about these wicked, Dan_12:2, a passage which undoubtedly refers to the final judgment after the Resurrection; (3) The perfectly wicked, so punished, are expressly distinguished from the third, or intermediate class, who merely ‘go down to Gehinnom,’ but are not ‘written and sealed,’ and ‘come up again.’

Substantially the same, as regards Eternity of Punishment, is the view of the School of Hillel (u.s. 17a). In regard to sinners of Israel and of the Gentiles it teaches, indeed, that they are tormented in Gehenna for twelve months, after which their bodies and souls are burnt up and scattered as dust under the feet of the righteous; but it significantly excepts from this number certain classes of transgressors ‘who go down to Gehinnom and are punished there to ages of ages.’ That the Niphal form of the verb used, נידונין  must mean ‘punished’ and not ‘judged,’ appears, not only from the context, but from the use of the same word and form in the same tractate (Rosh haSh. 12a, lines 7 etc. from top), when it is said of the generation of the Flood that ‘they were punished’ surely not ‘judged’-by ‘hot water.’ However, therefore, the School of Hillel might accentuate the mercy of God, or limit the number of those who would suffer Eternal Punishment, it did teach Eternal Punishment in the case of some. And this is the point in question.

But, since the Schools of Shammai and Hillel represented the theological teaching in the time of Christ and His Apostles, it follows, that the doctrine of Eternal Punishment was that held in the days of our Lord, however it may afterwards have been modified. Here, so far as this book is concerned, we might rest the case. But for completeness’ sake it will be better to follow the historical development of Jewish theological teaching, at least a certain distance.

The doctrine of the Eternity of Punishments seems to have been held by the Synagogue throughout the whole first century of our era. This will appear from the sayings of the Teachers who flourished during its course. The Jewish Parable of the fate of those who had not kept their festive garments in readiness or appeared in such as were not clean (Shabb. 152b, 153a) has been already quoted in our exposition of the Parables of the Man without the Wedding-garment and of the Ten Virgins. But we have more than this. We are told (Ber. 28b) that, when that great Rabbinic authority of the first century, Rabbi Jochanan ben Zakkai – ‘the light of Israel, the right hand pillar, the mighty hammer’ – lay a dying and wept, he accounted for his tears by fear as to his fate in judgment, illustrating the danger by the contrast of punishment by an earthly king ‘whose bonds are not eternal bonds nor his death eternal death,’ while as regarded God and His judgment: ‘if He is angry with me, His Wrath is an Eternal Wrath, if He binds me in fetters, His fetters are Eternal fetters, and if He kills me, His death is an Eternal Death.’ In the same direction is this saying of another great Rabbi of the first century, Elieser (Shabb, 152b, about the middle), to the effect that ‘the souls of the righteous are hidden under the throne of glory,’ while those of the wicked were to be bound and in unrest (זוממות והולכות), one Angel hurling them to another from one end of the world to the other – of which latter strange idea he saw confirmation in 1Sa_25:29. To the fate of the righteous applied, among other beautiful passages, Isa_57:2, to that of the wicked Isa_57:21. Evidently, the views of the Rabbis of the first century were in strict accordance with those of Shammai and Hillel.

In the second century of our era, we mark a decided difference in Rabbinic opinion. Although it was said that, after the death of Rabbi Meir, the ascent of smoke from the grave of his apostate teacher had indicated that the Rabbi’s prayers for the deliverance of his master from Gehenna had been answered (Chag. 15b), most of the eminent teachers of that period propounded the idea, that in the last day the sheath would be removed which now covered the sun, when its fiery heat would burn up the wicked (Ber. R. 6). Nay, one Rabbi maintained that there was no hell at all, but that that day would consume the wicked, and yet another, that even this was not so, but that the wicked would be consumed by a sort of internal conflagration.

In the third century of our era we have once more a reaction, and a return to the former views. Thus (Kethub. 104a, about the middle) Rabbi Eleasar speaks of the three bands of Angels, which successively go forth to meet the righteous, each with a welcome of their own, and of the three bands of Angels of sorrow, which similarly receive the wicked in their death – and this, in terms which leave no doubt as to the expected fate of the wicked. And here Rabbi José informs us (Tos. Ber. vi. 15), that ‘the fire of Gehenna which was created on the second day is not extinguished for ever.’ With this view accord the seven designations which, according to Rabbi Joshua ben Levi, attach to Gehenna (Erub. 19a, line 11, etc., from bottom – but the whole page bears off the subject). This doctrine was only modified, when Ben Lakish maintained, that the fire of Gehenna did not hurt sinners from among the Jews (Kethub. u.s.). Nor does even this other saying of his (Nedar. 8b, last four lines) necessarily imply that be denied the eternity of punishment: ‘There is no Gehinnom in the world to come’ – since it is qualified by the expectation that the wicked would be punished (נידונין), not annihilated, by the heat of the sun, which would be felt as healing by the righteous. Lastly, if not universal beatification, yet a kind of universal moral restoration seems implied in the teaching of Rabbi Jehudah to the effect that in the saeculum futurum God would destroy the yeṣer hara.

Tempting as the subject is, we must here break off this historical review, for want of space, not of material. Dr. Pusey has shown that the Targumim also teach the doctrine of Eternal Punishment – though their date is matter of discussion – and to the passages quoted by him in evidence others might be added. And if on the other side the saying of Rabbi Akiba should be quoted (Eduy. ii. 10) to the effect that the judgment of the wicked in Gehenna was one of the five things that lasted for twelve months, it must be remembered that, even if this be taken seriously (for it is really only a  jeu d’ esprit), it does not necessarily imply more than the teaching of Hillel concerning that intermediate class of sinners who were in Gehenna for a year – while there was another class the duration of whose punishment would be for ages of ages. Even more palpably inapt is the quotation from Baba Mez. 58b (lines 5, etc., from the bottom). For, if that passage declares that all are destined to come up again from Gehenna, it expressly excepts from this these three classes of persons: adulterers, those who put their fellow-men publicly to shame, and those who apply an evil name to their neighbors.

But there can at least be no question, that the passage which has been quoted at the outset of these remarks (Rosh haSh. 16b, 17a), proves beyond the possibility of gainsaying that both the Great Schools, into which Rabbinic teaching at the time of Christ was divided, held the doctrine of Eternal Punishments. This, of course, entirely apart from the question who – how many, or rather, how few – were to suffer this terrible fate. And here the cautions and limitations, with which Dr. Pusey has shown that the Church has surrounded her teaching, cannot be too often or earnestly repeated. It does, indeed, seem painfully strange that, if the meaning of it be at all realised, some should seem so anxious to contend for the extension to so many of a misery from which our thoughts shrink in awe. Yet of this we are well assured, that the Judge of all the Earth will judge, not only righteously, but mercifully. He alone knows all the secrets of heart and life, and He alone can apportion to each the due meed. And in this assured conviction may the mind trustfully rest as regards those who have been dear to us.

But if on such grounds we shrink from narrow and harsh dogmatism, there are certain questions which we cannot quite evade, even although we may answer them generally rather than specifically. We put aside, as an unhealthy and threatening sign of certain religious movements, the theory, lately broached, of a so-called ‘Conditional Immortality.’ So far as the reading of the present writer extends, it is based on bad philosophy and even worse exegesis. But the question itself, to which this ‘rough-and-ready’ kind of answer has been attempted, is one of the most serious. In our view, an impartial study of the Words of the Lord, recorded in the Gospels – as repeatedly indicated in the text of these volumes – leads to the impression that His teaching in regard to reward and punishment should be taken in the ordinary and obvious sense, and not in that suggested by some. And this is confirmed by what is now quite clear to us, that the Jews, to whom He spoke, believed in Eternal Punishment, however few they might consign to it. And yet we feel that this line of argument is not quite convincing. For might not our Lord, as in regard to the period of His Second Coming, in this also have intended to leave His hearers in incertitude? And, indeed, is it really necessary to be quite sure of this aspect of eternity?

And here the question arises about the precise meaning of the words which Christ used. It is, indeed, maintained that the terms αἰώνιος and kindred expressions always refer to eternity in the strict sense. But of this I cannot express myself convinced (see ad voc. Schleusner, Lex., who, however, goes a little too far; Wahl, Clavis N. T.; and Grimm, Clavis N. T.), although the balance of evidence is in favour of such meaning. But it is at least conceivable that the expressions might refer to the end of all time, and the merging of the ‘mediatorial regency’ (1Co_15:24) in the absolute kingship of God.

In further thinking on this most solemn subject, it seems to the present writer that exaggerations have been made in the argument. It has been said that, the hypothesis of annihilation being set aside, we are practically shut up to what is called Universalism. And again, that Universalism implies, not only the final restoration of all the wicked, but even of Satan and his angels. And further, it has been argued that the metaphysical difficulties of the question ultimately resolve themselves into this: why the God of all foreknowledge had created beings – be they men or fallen angels – who, as He foreknew, would ultimately sin? Now this argument has evidently no force as against absolute Universalism. But even otherwise, it is rather specious than convincing. For we only possess data for reasoning in regard to the sphere which falls within our cognition, which the absolutely Divine-the pre-human and the pre-created – does not, except so far as it has been the subject of Revelation. This limitation excludes from the sphere of our possible comprehension all questions connected with the Divine foreknowledge, and its compatibility with that which we know to be the fundamental law of created intelligences, and the very condition of their moral being: personal freedom and choice. To quarrel with this limitation of our sphere of reasoning, were to rebel against the conditions of human existence. But if so, then the question of Divine foreknowledge must not be raised at all, and the question of the fall of angels and of the sin of man must be left on the (to us) alone intelligible basis: that of personal choice and absolute moral freedom.

Again – it seems at least an exaggeration to put the alternatives thus: absolute eternity of punishment – and, with it, of the state of rebellion which it implies, since it is unthinkable that rebellion should absolutely cease, and yet punishment continue; annihilation; or else universal restoration. Something else is at least thinkable, that may not lie within these hard and fast lines of demarcation. It is at least conceivable that there may be a quartum quid – that there may be a purification or transformation (sit venia verbis) of all who are capable of such – or, if it is preferred, an unfolding of the germ of grace, present before death, invisible though it may have been to other men, and that in the end of what we call time or ‘dispensation,’ only that which is morally incapable of transformation – be it men or devils – shall be cast into the lake of fire and brimstone (Rev_20:10; Rev_20:14, Rev_20:15; Rev_21:8). And here, if, perhaps just, exception is taken to the terms ‘purification’ or ‘transformation’ (perhaps spiritual development), I would refer in explanation to what Dr. Pusey has so beautifully written – although my reference is only to this point, not to others on which he touches (Pusey, What is of Faith, etc., pp. 116-122). And, in connection with this, we note that there is quite a series of Scripture-statements, which teach alike the final reign of God (‘that God may be all in all’), and the final putting of all things under Christ – and all this in connection with the blessed fact that Christ has ‘tasted death for every man,’ ‘that the world through Him might be saved,’ and, in consequence, to ‘draw all’ unto Himself, comp. Col_1:19, Col_1:20 (comp. Joh_3:17; Joh_12:32; Rom_5:18-21; 1Co_15:20-28; Eph_1:10; Col_1:19, Col_1:20; 1Ti_2:4; 1Ti_2:6; 1Ti_4:10; Heb_2:9; 1Jo_2:2; 1Jo_4:14 – all which passages, must, however, be studied in their connection).

Thus far it has been the sole aim of the present writer to set before the reader, so far as he can, all the elements to be taken into consideration. He has pronounced no definite conclusion, and he neither wishes nor purposes to do so. This only he will repeat, that to his mind the Words of our Lord, as recorded in the Gospels, convey this impression, that there is an eternity of punishment; and further, that this was the accepted belief of the Jewish schools in the time of Christ. But of these things does he feel fully assured: that we may absolutely trust in the loving-kindness of our God; that the work of Christ is for all and of infinite value, and that its outcome must correspond to its character; and, lastly, for practical purposes, that in regard to those who have departed (whether or not we know of grace in them) our views and our hopes should be the widest (consistent with Scripture teaching), and that as regards ourselves, personally and individually, our views as to the need of absolute and immediate faith in Christ as the Saviour, of holiness of life, and of service of the Lord Jesus, should be the closest and most rigidly fixed.



List of Authorities

List of Authorities
Chiefly Used in Writing This Book.
Alford: Greek Testament.
Von der Alm: Heidn. u. jued. Urtheile ueber Jesu u. die alten Christen.
Altingius: Dissertationes et Orationes.
Apocrypha: S. P. C. K. Commentary on The Apocryphal Gospels.
Auerbach: Berith Abraham.
Bacher: Die Agada der Babylon. Amoraeer.
Baeck: Geschichte des Jued. Volkes u. seiner Literatur.
Baedeker: Syrien u. Palaestina.
Baehr: Gesetz ueber Falsche Zeugen nach Bible u. Talmud.
Barclay: City of the Great King.
Beer: Leben Abraham’s.
Beer: Leben Mosis.
Beer, P.: Geschichte d. relig. Sekten d. Juden.
Bengel: Gnomon Novi Testamenti.
Bengel: Alter der juedischen Proselytentaufe.
Bergel: Naturwissenschaftliche Kenntnisse d. Talmudisten.
Bergel: Der Himmel u. seine Wunder.
Bergel: Die Eheverhaeltnisse der alten Juden.
Berliner, Dr. A.: Targum Onkelos.
Bertholdt: Christologia Judaeorum.
Beyschlag: Die Christologie des Neuen Testaments.
Beyschlag: Zur Johanneischen Frage.
Bickell: Die Entstehung der Liturgie aus der Einsetzungsfeier.
Bleek: Einleitung in das Neue Testament, ed. Mangold.
Bleek: Synoptische Erklaerung d. drei Evangelien.
Bloch: Studien z. Gesch. der Sammlung d althebr. Literatur.
Bloch: Das Mosaisch-talmud. Polizeirecht.
Bloch: Civilprocess-Ordnung nach Mos. rabb. Rechte.
Bochartus: Hierozoicon.
Bodek: Marcus Aurelius u. R. Jehudah.
Bodenschatz: Kirchliche Vorfassung der heutigen Juden.
Boehl: Forschungen nach einer Volks bibel zur Zeit Jesu.
Boehl: Alttestamentliche Citate im N.T.
Bonar: The Land of Promise.
Braun: Die Soehne des Herodes.
Braunius: De Vestitu Hebraeorum.
Brecher: Das Transcendentale im Talmud.
Bredow: Rabbinische Mythen, etc.
Brueckner: Die Versuchungsgeschichte unseres Herrn Jesu Christi.
Brueck: Rabbinische Ceremonialgebraeuche.
Bruell: Fremdsprachliche Redensarten im Talmud.
Bruell: Trachten der Juden.
Buber: Pesikta.
Bucher: Des Apostels Johannes Lehre vom Logos.
Burgon: The Last Twelve Verses of Mark.
Buxtorf: Exercitationes.
Buxtorf: Synagoga Judaica.
Buxtorf: Lexicon Talmud.
Calvin: Comment. (passim).
Cahen: Repertorium Talmudicum.
Carpzov: Chuppa Hebraeorium.
Caspari: Einleitung in das Leben Jesu Christi.
Cassel: Das Buch Kusari.
Cassel: Lebrbuch der Jued. Gesch. u. Literatur.
Castelli: Commento di Sabbatai Donnolo sul libro della Creazione.
Castelli: Il Messia secondo gli Ebrei.
Cavedoni: Biblische Numismatik.
Charteris: Canonicity. Chasronoth Hashas.
Cheyne: Prophecies of Isaiah.
Chijs: De Herode Magno.
Cohen: Les Déicides.
Commentaries, Speaker’s, on the Gospels; Camb. Bible on the Gospels.
Conder: Tent Work in Palestine.
Conder: Handbook to the Bible.
Conforte: Liber Kore ha-Dorot.
Cook: The Rev. Version of the Gospels.
Creizenach: Shulcan Aruch.
Cremer: New Testament Dictionary.
Cureton: Syriac Gospels.
Daehne: Juedisch-Alex. Religions Philos.
Davidson: Introduction to the Study of the New Testament.
Davidson: The Last Things.
Dachs: Codex Succa Talmudis Babylonici.
Danko: Historia Revelationis Divinae N.T.
Danko: De Sacra Scriptura ejusque interpretatione Commentarius.
Delaunay: Moines et Sibylles dans l’antiquité Judéo-Grecque.
Delitzsch: Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu.
Delitzsch: Geschichte der jued. Poesie.
Delitzsch: Durch Krankheit zur Genesung.
Delitzsch: Ein Tag in Capernaum.
Delitzsch. Untersuchungen ueb. die Entsteh. u. Anlage d. Matth.-Evang.
Delitzsch; Talmudisehe Studien.
Delitzsch: Jesus und Hillel.
Derenbourg: Essai sur l’Histoire et la Géographie de la Palestine.
Deutsch: Literary Remains.
Deylingius: Observationes Sacrae.
Dillmann: Das Buch Henoch.
Doellinger: Heidenthum und Judenthum.
Drummond: The Jewish Messiah.
Dukes: Zur Rabbinischen Sprachkunde.
Dukes: Rabbinische Blumenlese.
Duschak: Zur Botanik des Talmud.
Duschak: Die Moral der Evangelien und des Talmud.
Duschak: Juedischer Cultus.
Duschak: Schulgesetzgebung.
Ebrard: Wissenschaftliche Kritik der evangel. Geschichte.
Edersheim: History of the Jewish Nation.
Edersheim: The Temple, its Ministry and its Services.
Edersheim: Sketches of Jewish Social Life.
Ehrmann: Geschichte der Schulen u. der Cultur unter den Juden.
Eisenmenger: Entdecktes Judenthum.
Eisler: Beitraege zur Rabb. Sprach- u. Alterthums-kunde.
Ellicott: New Testament Commentary: Gospels.
Ellicott: Lectures on the Life of our Lord.
Encyclopeadia Britannica (passim).
Ethridge: The Targums on the Pentateuch.
Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History.
Ewald: Abodah Sarah.
Ewald: Geschichte des Volkes Israel.
Ewald: Bibl. Jahrb. (passim).
Fabricius: Codex Pseudepigraphus V. T.
Farrar: Life of Christ.
Farrar: Eternal Hope.
Fassel: Das Mos. rabb. Civilrecht.
Fassel: Gerichts-Verf.
Field: Otium Norviceuse.
Filipowski: Liber Juchassin.
Fisher: Beginnings of Christianity.
Frankel: Targum der Proph.
Frankel: Ueb. d. Einfl. d. palaest. Exegese auf die Alexandr. Hermeneutik.
Frankel: Monatschrift fuer das Judenthum (passim).
Frankel: Vorstudien zu der Septuaginta.
Frankel: Einleitung in d. Jerusalem Talmud.
Franck: d. Kabbala.
Freudenthal: Hellenistische Studien.
Friedenthal: Jessode haddat weikere Haemuna.
Friedlaender: Sittengeschichte Roms.
Friedlaender: Ben Dosa u. seine Zeit.
Friedlaender: Patristische u. Talmudische Studien.
Friedlieb: Oracula Sibyllina.
Friedlieb: Archaeologie der Leidensgeschichte.
Friedmann: Siphré debe Rab.
Fritzsche u. Grimm: Handbuch zu den Apokryphen.
Fritzsche u. Grimm: Libri V. T. Pseudepigraphi Selecti.
Fuller: Harmony of the Four Gospels.
Fuerst: Der Kanon des A. T.
Fuerst: Kultur u. Literaturgeschichte der Juden in Asien.
Fuerst: Biblioth. Jued. (passim.)
Fuerstenthal: Menorath Hammaon.
Fuerstenthal: Jessode haddat.
Geier: De Ebraeorum Luctu Lugentiumque Ritibus.
Geiger: Das Judenthum u. seine Geschichte.
Geiger: Beitraege z. Jued. Literatur-Gesch.
Geiger: Zeitschrift fuer Jued. Theol. (passim.)
Geiger: Urschrift u. Uebersetzungen der Bibel.
Geikie: Life and Words of Christ.
Gelpke: Die Jugendgesch. des Herrn.
Gerlach: Die Roem. Statthilter in Syrien u Judaea.
Gfroerer: Philo.
Gfroerer: Jahrh. d. Heils.
Ginsburg: Ben Chajim’s Introd.
Ginsburg: Massoreth HaMassoreth.
Ginsburg: The Essenes.
Ginsburg: The Kabbalah.
Godet: Commentar.
Godet: Bibl. Studies.
Goebel: Die Parabeln Jesu.
Goldberg: The Language of Christ.
Graetz: Geschichte der Juden.
Green: Handbk. to the Grammar of the Grk. Test.
Grimm: Die Samariter.
Grimm: Clavis N.T.
Gronemann: Die Jonathansche Pentateuch-Uebersetzung.
Gruenebaum: Sittenlehre desJudenthums.
Guérin: Description de la Palestine et Samarie.
Guillemard: Hebraisms in the Greek Testament.
Guenzburg: Beleuchtung des alten Judenthums.
Hamburger: Real Encyklopaedie f. Bibel u. Talmud.
Hamelsveld: Dissertatio de aeedibus vet. Hebr.
Haneberg: Die relig. Alterth. der Bibel.
Harnoch: De Philonis Judaei Log. Inquisitio.
Hartmann: Die Hebraeerin am Putztische u. als Braut.
Hartmann: Die enge Verbindung des A. T. mit dem Neuen.
Hase: Leben Jesu.
Haupt: Die A. T. Citate in den 4 Evangelien.
Hausrath: Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte.
Herzfeld: Geschichte Israels.
Herzfeld: Handelsgeschichte der Juden des Alterthums.
Herzog: Real-Encyklopaedie (passim).
Hildesheimer: Der Herod. Tempel n. d. Talmud u. Josephus.
Hilgenfeld: Juedische Apokalyptik.
Hirschfeld: Halach. u. Hagad. Exegese.
Hirschfeld: Tractatus Macot.
Hitzig: Geschichte des Volkes Israel.
Hoffmann: Leben Jesu.
Hoffmann: Abhandlungen ueb. die Pentat. Gesetze.
Hofmann: Schriftbeweis.
Hofmann: Weissagung u. Erfuellung.
Holdheim: d. Cerem. Ges.
Hottinger: Juris Hebr. Leges.
Huschke: Ueb. d. Census u. die Steuerverf. d. frueh. Roem. Kaiserzeit.
Huschke: Ueb. d. z. Zeit d. Geb. Jesu Christi gehaltenen Census.
Havercamp: Flavius Josephus.
Ideler: Chronologie.
Ikenius: Antiquitates Hebraicae.
Ikenius: Dissertationes Philologico-theologicae.
Jellinek: Beth haMidrash.
Joel: Blick in d. Religionsgesch. d. 2ten Christlichen Jahrh.
Joel: Religions Philos. des Sohar.
Jost: Gesch. d. Judenth. u. seiner Sekten.
Jowett: Epistles of St. Paul, Romans, Galatians, Thessalonians.
Josephus Gorionides: ed. Breithaupt.
Juynboll: Comment. in Hist. Gentis Samaritanae.
Keil: Einl. in. d. Kanon. u. Apokryph. Schriften des A. T.
Keim: Geschichte Jesu von Nazara.
Kennedy: Resurrection of Jesus Christ.
Kirchheim: Septem Libri Talmudici parvi Hierosol.
Kirchner: Jued. Passahf.
Kitto: Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature (passim).
Kobut: Juedische Angelologie u. Daemonologie.
Koenig: Die Menschwerdung Gottes.
Koester: Nachw. d. Spur. einer Trinitaetslehre vor Christo.
Krafft: Judische Sagen u. Dichtungen.
Krauss: Die Grosse Synode.
Krebs: Decreta Athen in honor Hyrcani P. M. Judaeorum.
Krebs: Decreta Roman. pro Judaeis.
Krebs: Observationes in Nov. Test.
Kuhn: Staedt. u. buergerl. Verfass d. Roem. Reichs.
Landau: Arukh.
Lange: Bibelwerk (on Gospels).
Lange: Leben Jesu.
Langen: Judenthum in Palaestina z. Zeit Christi.
Langfelder: Symbolik des Judenthums.
Lattes: Saggio di Giunte e Correzzioni al Lessico Talmudico.
Lavadeur: Krit. Beleucht. d. jued Kalenderwesens.
Lenormant: Chaldean Magic.
Levi: Historia Religionis Judaeorum.
Levy: Neuhebr. u. Chaldaeisch. Woerterbuch.
Levy: Chaldaeisch. Woerter b. ueber die Targumim.
Levy: Gesch. der Juedisch. Muenzen.
Levyssohn: Disputatio de Jud. sub. Caes. Conditione.
Lewin: Fasti Sacri.
Lewin: Siege of Jerusalem.
Lewyssohn: Zoologie des Talmuds.
Lightfoot: Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae in 4 Evangel.
Lightfoot: Commentary on Galatians.
Lightfoot: Commentary on Colossians
Lisco: Die Wunder Jesu Christi.
Low: Beitraege z. jued Alterthumskunde.
Low: Lebensalter in d. jued. Literatur.
Loewe: Schulchan Aruch.
Lowy: Biggoreth ha Talmud.
Lucius: Essenismus in sein Verhaeltn z. Judenth.
Luecke: Johannes (Gospel).
Lundius: Juedische Heiligthuemer.
Luthardt: Johann. Evangelium.
Luthardt: Die modern. Darstell. d. Lebens Jesu.
Lutterbeck: Neutestamentliche Lehrbegriffe.
McLellan: New Testament (Gospels).
Madden: Coins of the Jews.
Maimonides: Yad haChazzakah.
Marcus: Paedagogik des Talmud.
Marquardt: Roem, Staatsverwaltung.
Martinus: Fidei Pugio.
Maybaum: Die Anthropomorph. u. Anthropopath. bei Onkelos.
Megillath Taanith.
Meier: Judaica.
Meuschen: Nov. Test ex Talmude et Joseph.
Meyer: Seder Olam Rabba et Suta.
Meyer: Buch Jezira.
Meyer: Kommentar. (on Gospels).
Meyer: Arbeit u. Handwerk. im Talmud.
Midrash Rabboth.
Midrashim. (See List In Rabb. Abbrev.)
Mill: On the Mythical Interpretation of the Gospels.
Mishnah
Molitor. Philosophie der Geschichte.
Moscovitor: Het N.T. en de Talmud.
Mueller: Mess. Erwart. d. Jud. Philo.
Mueller: Zur Johann Frage.
Mueller, J.:Massech Sopher.
Muenter: Stern der Weisen
Nanz: Die Besessenen im N.T.
Neander: Life of Christ.
Nebe: Leidensgesch. unser. Herrn Jesu Christi.
Nebe: Auferstehungsgesch. unser. Herrn Jesu Christi.
Neubauer: La Géographie du Talmud.
Neubauer and Driver: Jewish Interpreters of Isaiah. liii.
Neumann: Messian. Erschein. bei d. Juden.
Neumann: Gesch. d. Mess. Weissag. im A. T.
New Testament. Ed. Scrivener. Ed. Westcott and Hort. Ed. Gebhardt,
Nicolai: De Sepulchris Hebraeorum.
Nizzachon Vetus. et Toledoth Jeshu.
Nicholson: The Gospel accord. to the Hebrews.
Norris: New Testament (Gospels).
Nork: Rabbinische Quellen u. Parallelen.
Nutt: Samaritan History.
Otho: Lexicon Rabbin. Philolog.
Outram: De Sacrificiis Judaeorum et Christi.
Othijoth de R. Akiba.
Oxlee: Doc. of Trinity on Princips. of Judaism.
Pagninus: Thesaurus Linguae Sanctae.
Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statements (passim)
Perles: Liechenfeierlichk. im Nachbibl, Judenth.
Philippson: Haben wirklich die Jud. Jesum gekreuzigt?
Philippson: Israelit. Religionslehre.
Philo Judaeus: Opera.
Pictorial Palestine (passim).
Picturesque Palestine.
Pinner: Berachoth
Pinner: Compend. des Hieros. u. Babyl. Thalm.
Pirké de R. Elieser.
Plumtre: Comment. on the Gospels.
Plumptre: Bible Educator (passim).
Pocock: Porta Mosis.
Prayer-books, Jewish: i: Arnheim. ii: Mannheimer. iii: Polak (Frankfort ed.). iv. Friedlaender. v. F. A. Euchel. vi. Jacobson. vii. Pesach Haggadah. viii. Rodelheim ed.
Pressensé: Jesus Christ: His Time, Life, and Works.
Prideaux: Connec. of O. and N.T.
Pusey: What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment?
Rabbinowicz: Einleit. in d. Gesetzgeb. u. Medicin d. Talm.
Ravuis: Dissertat. de. aedib. vet. Hebr.
Redslob: Die Kanonisch. Evangelien.
Reland: Antiquit. Sacr. veter. Hebr.
Reland: Palaestina.
Remond: Ausbreit. d. Judenthums.
Renan: L’Antechrist.
Renan: Vie de Jésus.
Renan: Marc-Auréle.
Rhenferd et Vitringa: De Decem Otiosia Synagogae.
Riehm: Handwoerterb. d. bibl. Alterth. (passim).
Rheim: Lehrbegriff d. Hebraerbriefs.
Riess: Geburtsjahr Christi.
Ritter: Philo u. die Halacha.
Roberts: Discussion on the Gospels.
Robinson: Biblical Researches in Palestine.
Roeth: Epistola ad Hebraeos.
Rohr: Palaestina z. Zeit Christi.
Roensch: Buch Jubilaeen.
Roos: Lehre u. Lebensgesch. Jesu Christi.
Roesch: Jesus-Mythen d. Talmudist.
Rosenmueller: Biblisch. Geographie.
Rossi, Azarjah de: Meor Enajim.
Possi, Giambernardo de: Della Lingua Propria di Christo.
Sachs: Beitraege z. Sprach u. Alterthumskunde.
Saalschuetz: Musik bei d. Hebraeern.
Saalschuetz: Mos. Recht.
Salvador: Roemerherrschaft in Judaea.
Salvador: Gesch. d. Jued. Volkes.
Sammter: Baba Mezia.
Schenkel: Bibel-Lexicon (passim).
Schleusner: Lexicon Gr. Lat. in N.T.
Schmer: De Chuppa Hebraeorum.
Schmilg: Der Siegeskalender Megill Taanith.
Sckneckenburger: Neutestament. Zeitgeschichte.
Schoettgen: Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae.
Schreiber: Principien des Judenthums.
Schroederus: Comment. de Vestitu Mulier. Hebr.
Schuerer: Neutestam. Zeitgesch.
Schuerer: Gemeindeverfass. d. Juden in Rom in d. Kaiserzeit.
Schwab: De Talmud de Jerusalem.
Schwarz: D. Heilige Land.
Schwarz: Tosfita Shabbath.
Scrivener: Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament.
Seder Hadoroth.
Selden: De Synedriis Ebr.
Selden: De Jure Naturati et Gent. Hebr.
Selden: Uxor Ebraica.
Sepp: Leben Jesu.
Sevin: Chronologie des Lebens Jesu.
Sheringhan: Joma.
Siegfried: Philo von Alexandria.
Singer: Onkelos u. seine Verhaeltn. z. Halacha.
Sion Ledorosh.
Smith: Dictionary of the Bible (passim).
Smith and Wace: Dictionary of Christian Biography (passim).
Sohar.
Tikkuney haSohar.
Saloweyczyk: Bibel, Talmud, u. Evangelium.
Sommer: Mispar haSohar.
Spencer: De Legib. Hebr. Ritual.
Spiess: Das Jerusalem des Josephus.
Spitzer: Das Mahl bei den Hebraeern.
Stanley: Sinai and Palestine.
Steinmeyer: Geburt des Herrn u. seinerste Schritte im Leben.
Steinmeyer: Die Parabeln des Herrn.
Stein: Schrift des Lebens.
Stern: Die Frau im Talmud.
Stern: Gesch. des Judenthums.
Stier: Reden des Herrn Jesu.
Strack: Pirkey Aboth.
Strack: Proleg. Crit. in V. T. Hebr.
Strauss: Leben Jesu.
Supernatural religion.
Surenhusius: Biblos Katallages.
Surenhusius: Mishnah
Talmud, Babylon and Jerusalem.
Targum, the Targumim in the Mikraoth gedoloth.
Taylor: Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (Pirqey Ab, etc.), with critical and illustrative Notes.
Taylor: Great Exemplar.
Tauchuma: Midrash.
Thein: Der Talmud.
Theologische Studien u. Kritiken (passim).
Tholuck: Bergpredigt Christi.
Tholuck: Das Alt. Test. im Neu. Test.
Tischendorf: When were our Gospels written?
Toetterman: R. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus.
Traill: Josephus.
Trench: Notes on the Miracles
Trench: Notes on the Parables.
Tristram: Natural History of the Bible.
Tristram: Land of Israel.
Tristram: Land of Moab.
Trusen: Sitten, Gebraeuche u. Krankheiten. d. alt. Hebr.
Ugolinus: Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum (passim).
Unruh: Das alte Jerusalem u. seine Bauwerke.
Vernes: Histoire des Idées Messianiques.
Vitringa: De Synagoga Vetere.
Volkmar: Einleitung in die Apokryphen.
Volkmar: Marcus.
Volkmar: Mose Prophetie u. Himmel fahrt.
Vorstius: De Hebraisms Nov. Test.
Wace: The Gospel and its Witnesses.
Wagenseil: Sota.
Wahl: Clavis Nov. Test. Philologica.
Warneck: Pontius Pilatus.
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Weiss: Mechilta.
Weiss: Siphra
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Wittichen: Die Idee des Reiches Gottes.
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Wordsworth: Commentary (Gospels).
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Wuensche: Neue Beitraege z. Erlaeut. der Evangel.
Wuensche: Der Jerusalemische Talmud.
Wuensche: Bibliotheca Rabbinica.
Yalkut Shimeoni.
Yalkut Rubeni.
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Zahn: Forsch. zur Gesch. d. N.T. Kanons.
Zeller: Philosophie der Griechen.Zemach David.
Zimmermann: Karten u. Plaene z. Topographie des alten Jerusalems.
Zockler: Handb. d. Theol. Wissenschaften.
Zumpt: Geburtsjahr Christi.
Zunz: Zur Geschichte u. Literatur.
Zunz: Die Gottesdienst. Vortr. d. Juden.
Zunz: Synagogale Poesie.
Zunz: Ritus d. Synagogalen-Gottesdienst.
Zuckermandel: Tosephta.



Contents

The Temple – Its Ministry and Service
by
Alfred Edersheim, D. D., Ph. D.
Contents
Chapter 1 A First View of Jerusalem, and of the Temple
Chapter 2 Within the Holy Place
Chapter 3 Temple Order, Revenues, and Music
Chapter 4 The Officiating Priesthood
Chapter 5 Sacrifices: Their Order and Their Meaning
Chapter 6 The Burnt-Offering, the Sin- and Trespass-Offering, and the Peace-Offering
Chapter 7 At Night in the Temple
Chapter 8 The Morning and the Evening Sacrifice
Chapter 9 Sabbath in the Temple
Chapter 10 Festive Cycles and Arrangement of the Calendar
Chapter 11 The Passover
Chapter 12 The Paschal Feast and the Lord’s Supper
Chapter 13 The Feast of Unleavened Bread and the Day of Pentecost
Chapter 14 The Feast of Tabernacles
Chapter 15 The New Moons
Chapter 16 The Day of Atonement
Chapter 17 Post-Mosaic Festivals
Chapter 18 On Purifications
Chapter 19 On Vows



Chapter 1 – A First View of Jerusalem, and of the Temple

Chapter 1 – A First View of Jerusalem, and of the Temple
‘And when He was come near, He beheld the city, and wept over it.’- Luk_19:41
The Charm of Jerusalem
In every age, the memory of Jerusalem has stirred the deepest feelings. Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans turn to it with reverent affection. It almost seems as if in some sense each could call it his ‘happy home,’ the ‘name ever dear’ to him. For our holiest thoughts of the past, and our happiest hopes for the future, connect themselves with ‘the city of our God.’ We know from many passages of the Old Testament, but especially from the Book of Psalms, with what ardent longing the exiles from Palestine looked towards it; and during the long centuries of dispersion and cruel persecution, up to this day, the same aspirations have breathed in almost every service of the synagogue, and in none more earnestly than in that of the paschal night, which to us is for ever associated with the death of our Saviour. It is this one grand presence there of ‘the Desire of all nations,’ which has for ever cast a hallowed light round Jerusalem and the Temple, and given fulfillment to the prophecy-‘Many people shall go and say, Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of Jehovah, to the house of the God of Jacob; and He will teach us of His ways, and we will walk in His paths: for out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of Jehovah from Jerusalem.’ (Isa_2:3) His feet have trodden the busy streets of Jerusalem, and the shady recesses of the Mount of Olives; His figure has ‘filled with glory’ the Temple and its services; His person has given meaning to the land and the people; and the decease which He accomplished at Jerusalem has been for the life of all nations. These facts can never be past- are eternally present; not only to our faith, but also to our hope; for He ‘shall so come in like manner’ as the ‘men of Galilee’ had on Mount Olivet ‘seen Him go into heaven.’
Ancient Memories
But our memories of Jerusalem stretch far back beyond these scenes. In the distance of a remote antiquity we read of Melchisedek, the typical priest-king of Salem, who went out to meet Abraham, the ancestor of the Hebrew race, and blessed him. A little later, and this same Abraham was coming up from Hebron on his mournful journey, to offer up his only son. A few miles south of the city, the road by which he travelled climbs the top of a high promontory, that juts into the deep Kedron valley. From this spot, through the cleft of the mountains which the Kedron has made for its course, one object rose up straight before him. It was Moriah, the mount on which the sacrifice of Isaac was to be offered. Here Solomon afterwards built the Temple. For over Mount Moriah David had seen the hand of the destroying angel stayed, probably just above where afterwards from the large altar of burnt-offering the smoke of countless sacrifices rose day by day. On the opposite hill of Zion, separated only by a ravine from Moriah, stood the city and the palace of David, and close by the site of the Temple the tower of David. After that period an ever-shifting historical panorama passes before our view, unchanged only in this, that, amidst all the varying events, Jerusalem remains the one centre of interest and attractions, till we come to that Presence which has made it, even in its desolateness, ‘Hephzibah,’ ‘sought out,’ ‘a city not forsaken.’ (Isa_62:4)
Origin of the Name
The Rabbis have a curious conceit about the origin of the name Jerusalem, which is commonly taken to mean, ‘the foundation,’ ‘the abode,’ or ‘the inheritance of peace.’ They make it a compound of Jireh and Shalem, and say that Abraham called it ‘Jehovah-Jireh,’ while Shem had named it Shalem, but that God combined the two into Jireh-Shalem, Jerushalaim, or Jerusalem. There was certainly something peculiar in the choice of Palestine to be the country of the chosen people, as well as of Jerusalem to be its capital. The political importance of the land must be judged from its situation rather than its size. Lying midway between the east and the west, and placed between the great military monarchies, first of Egypt and Assyria, and then of Rome and the East, it naturally became the battle-field of the nations and the highway of the world. As for Jerusalem, its situation was entirely unique. Pitched on a height of about 2,610 feet above the level of the sea, its climate was more healthy, equable, and temperate than that of any other part of the country. From the top of Mount Olivet an unrivalled view of the most interesting localities in the land might be obtained. To the east the eye would wander over the intervening plains to Jericho, mark the tortuous windings of Jordan, and the sullen grey of the Dead Sea, finally resting on Pisgah and the mountains of Moab and Ammon. To the south, you might see beyond ‘the king’s gardens,’ as far as the grey tops of ‘the hill country of Judea.’ Westwards, the view would be arrested by the mountains of Bether, (Son_2:17) whilst the haze in the distant horizon marked the line of the Great Sea. To the north, such well-known localities met the eye as Mizpeh, Gibeon, Ajalon, Michmash, Ramah, and Anathoth. But, above all, just at your feet, the Holy City would lie in all her magnificence, like ‘a bride adorned for her husband.’
The Situation of Jerusalem
‘Beautiful for situation, the joy of the whole earth, is Mount Zion, on the sides of the north, the city of the Great King….Walk about Zion, and go round about her: tell the towers thereof. Mark ye well her bulwarks, consider her palaces.’ If this could be said of Jerusalem even in the humbler days of her native monarchy, (Psa_48:2, Psa_48:12-13) it was emphatically true at the time when Jesus ‘beheld the city,’ after Herod the Great had adorned it with his wonted splendour. As the pilgrim bands ‘came up’ from all parts of the country to the great feasts, they must have stood enthralled when its beauty first burst upon their gaze. Not merely remembrances of the past, or the sacred associations connected with the present, but the grandeur of the scene before them must have kindled their admiration into enthusiasm. For Jerusalem was a city of palaces, and right royally enthroned as none other. Placed on an eminence higher than the immediate neighbourhood, it was cut off and isolated by deep valleys on all sides but one, giving it the appearance of an immense natural fortress. All round it, on three sides, like a natural fosse, ran the deep ravines of the Valley of Hinnom and of the Black Valley, or Kedron, which merged to the south of the city, descending in such steep declivity that where the two meet is 670 feet below the point whence each had started. Only on the north-west was the city, as it were, bound to the mainland. And as if to give it yet more the character of a series of fortress-islands, a deep natural cleft- Tyropoeon- south and north right through the middle of the city, then turned sharply westwards, separating Mount Zion from Mount Acra. Similarly, Acra was divided from Mount Moriah, and the latter again by an artificial valley from Bezetha, or the New Town. Sheer up from these encircling ravines rose the city of marble and cedar-covered palaces. Up that middle cleft, down in the valley, and along the slopes of the hills, crept the busy town, with its streets, markets, and bazaars. But alone, and isolated in its grandeur, stood the Temple Mount. Terrace upon terrace its courts rose, till, high above the city, within the enclosure of marble cloisters, cedar-roofed and richly ornamented, the Temple itself stood out a mass of snowy marble and of gold, glittering in the sunlight against the half-encircling green background of Olivet. In all his wanderings the Jew had not seen a city like his own Jerusalem. Not Antioch in Asia, not even imperial Rome herself, excelled it in architectural splendour. Nor has there been, either in ancient or modern times, a sacred building equal to the Temple, whether for situation or magnificence; nor yet have there been festive throngs like those joyous hundreds of thousands who, with their hymns of praise, crowded towards the city on the eve of a Passover. No wonder that the song burst from the lips of those pilgrims:
‘Still stand our feet
Within thy gates, Jerusalem!
Jerusalem, ah! thou art built
As a city joined companion-like together.’
Psa_122:2-3
From whatever side the pilgrim might approach the city, the first impression must have been solemn and deep. But a special surprise awaited those who came, whether from Jericho or from Galilee, by the well-known road that led over the Mount of Olives. From the south, beyond royal Bethlehem- the west, descending over the heights of Beth-horon- from the north, journeying along the mountains of Ephraim, they would have seen the city first vaguely looming in the grey distance, till, gradually approaching, they had become familiar with its outlines. It was far otherwise from the east. A turn in the road, and the city, hitherto entirely hid from view, would burst upon them suddenly, closely, and to most marked advantage. It was by this road Jesus made His triumphal entry from Bethany on the week of His Passion. Up from ‘the house of dates’ the broad, rough road would round the shoulder of Olivet. Thither the wondering crowd from Bethany followed Him, and there the praising multitude from the city met Him. They had come up that same Olivet, so familiar to them all. For did it not seem almost to form part of the city itself, shutting it off like a screen from the desert land that descended beyond to Jordan and the Dead Sea?
Mount of Olives
From the Temple Mount to the western base of Olivet, it was not more than 100 or 200 yards straight across, though, of course, the distance to the summit was much greater, say about half a mile. By the nearest pathway it was only 918 yards from the city gate to the principal summit. *
* ‘By the longer footpath it is 1,310 yards, and by the main camel road perhaps a little farther.’ Josephus calculates the distance from the city evidently to the top of Mount Olivet at 1,010 yards, or 5 furlongs. See City of the Great King, p. 59.
Olivet was always fresh and green, even in earliest spring or during parched summer- coolest, the pleasantest, the most sheltered walk about Jerusalem. For across this road the Temple and its mountain flung their broad shadows, and luxuriant foliage spread a leafy canopy overhead. They were not gardens, in the ordinary Western sense, through which one passed, far less orchards; but something peculiar to those climes, where Nature everywhere strews with lavish hand her flowers, and makes her gardens- the garden bursts into the orchard, and the orchard stretches into the field, till, high up, olive and fig mingle with the darker cypress and pine. The stony road up Olivet wound along terraces covered with olives, whose silver and dark green leaves rustled in the breeze. Here gigantic gnarled fig-trees twisted themselves out of rocky soil; there clusters of palms raised their knotty stems high up into waving plumed tufts, or spread, bush-like, from the ground, the rich-coloured fruit bursting in clusters from the pod. Then there were groves of myrtle, pines, tall, stately cypresses, and on the summit itself two gigantic cedars. To these shady retreats the inhabitants would often come from Jerusalem to take pleasure or to meditate, and there one of their most celebrated Rabbis was at one time wont in preference to teach. * Thither, also, Christ with His disciples often resorted.
* R. Jochanan ben Saccai, who was at the head of the Sanhedrim immediately before and after the destruction of Jerusalem.
Coming from Bethany the city would be for some time completely hidden from view by the intervening ridge of Olivet. But a sudden turn of the road, where ‘the descent of the Mount of Olives’ begins, all at once a first glimpse of Jerusalem is caught, and that quite close at hand. True, the configuration of Olivet on the right would still hide the Temple and most part of the city; but across Ophel, the busy suburb of the priests, the eye might range to Mount Zion, and rapidly climb its height to where Herod’s palace covered the site once occupied by that of David. A few intervening steps of descent, where the view of the city has again been lost, and the pilgrim would hurry on to that ledge of rock. What a panorama over which to roam with hungry eagerness! At one glance he would see before him the whole city- valleys and hills, its walls and towers, its palaces and streets, and its magnificent Temple- like a vision from another world. There could be no difficulty in making out the general features of the scene. Altogether the city was only thirty-three stadia, or about four English miles, in circumference. Within this compass dwelt a population of 600,000 (according to Tacitus), but, according to the Jewish historian, amounting at the time of the Passover to between two and three millions, or about equal to that of London. *
* Mr. Fergusson, in Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, i. p. 1025, controverts these numbers, on the ground of the population of modern cities within a given area. But two millions represent not the ordinary population, only the festive throngs at the Passover. Taking into consideration Eastern habits- sleeping on the roof, and possibly the camping out- computation is not extravagant. Besides, however untruthful Josephus was, he may, as a general rule, be trusted where official numbers, capable of verification, are concerned. In fact, taking into account this extraordinary influx, the Rabbis distinctly state, that during the feasts- on the first night- people might camp outside Jerusalem, but within the limits of a sabbath-day’s journey. This, as Otho well remarks (Lex. Rabb. p. 195), also explains how, on such occasions, our Lord so often retired to the Mount of Olives.
The Walls
The first feature to attract attention would be the city walls, at the time of Christ only two in number. *
* The third, largest, and strongest wall, which enclosed Bezetha, or the New Town, was built by Herod Agrippa, twelve years after the date of the crucifixion.
The first, or old wall, began at the north-western angle of Zion, at the tower of Hippicus, and ran along the northern brow of Zion, where it crossed the cleft, and joined the western colonnade of the Temple at the ‘Council-house.’ It also enclosed Zion along the west and the south, and was continued eastward around Ophel, till it merged in the south-eastern angle of the Temple. Thus the first wall would defend Zion, Ophel, and, along with the Temple walls,, Moriah also. The second wall, which commenced at a gate in the first wall, called ‘Gennath,’ ran first north, and then east, so as to enclose Acra, and terminated at the Tower of Antonia. Thus the whole of the old city and the Temple was sufficiently protected.
Tower of Antonia
The Tower of Antonia was placed at the north-western angle of the Temple, midway between the castle of the same name and the Temple. With the former it communicated by a double set of cloisters, with the latter by a subterranean passage into the Temple itself, and also by cloisters and stairs descending into the northern and the western porches of the Court of the Gentiles. Some of the most glorious traditions in Jewish history were connected with this castle, for there had been the ancient ‘armoury of David,’ the palace of Hezekiah and of Nehemiah, and the fortress of the Maccabees. But in the days of Christ Antonia was occupied by a hated Roman garrison, which kept watch over Israel, even in its sanctuary. In fact, the Tower of Antonia overlooked and commanded the Temple, so that a detachment of soldiers could at any time rush down to quell a riot, as on the occasion when the Jews had almost killed Paul (Act_21:31). The city walls were further defended by towers- in the first, and forty in the second wall. Most prominent among them were Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne, close by each other, to the north-west of Zion- compactly built of immense marble blocks, square, strongly fortified, and surmounted by buildings defended by battlements and turrets. * They were built by Herod, and named after the friend and the brother he had lost in battle, and the wife whom his jealousy had killed.
* For particulars of these forts, see Josephus’ Wars, v. 4, 3.
The Four Hills
If the pilgrim scanned the city more closely, he would observe that it was built on four hills. Of these, the western, or ancient Zion, was the highest, rising about 200 feet above Moriah, though still 100 feet lower than the Mount of Olives. To the north and the east, opposite Zion, and divided from it by the deep Tyropoeon Valley, were the crescent-shaped Acra and Moriah, the latter with Ophel as its southern outrunner. Up and down the slopes of Acra the Lower City crept. Finally, the fourth hill, Bezetha (from bezaion, marshy ground), the New Town, rose north of the Temple Mount and of Acra, and was separated from them by an artificial valley. The streets, which, as in all Eastern cities, were narrow, were paved with white marble. A somewhat elevated footway ran along for the use of those who had newly been purified in the Temple, while the rest walked in the roadway below. The streets derived their names mostly from the gates to which they led, or from the various bazaars. Thus there were ‘Water-street,’ ‘Fish-street,’ ‘East-street,’ etc. The ‘Timber Bazaar’ and that of the ‘Tailors’ were in the New City; the Grand Upper Market on Mount Zion. Then there were the ‘Wool’ and the ‘Braziers’ Bazaar’; ‘Baker-street,’ ‘Butcher-street,’ ‘Strangers’-street,’ and many others similarly named. Nor would it have been difficult to identify the most prominent buildings in the city. At the north-western angle of Mount Zion, the ancient Salem and Jebus, on the site of the castle of David, was the grand palace of Herod, generally occupied by the Roman procurators during their temporary sojourn in Jerusalem. It stood high up, just within shelter of the great towers which Herod had reared- marvel of splendour, of whose extent, strength, height, rooms, towers, roofs, porticoes, courts, and adjacent gardens Josephus speaks in such terms of admiration.
High-priest’s Palace
At the opposite, or north-eastern corner of Mount Zion, was the palace of the High-priest. Being built on the slope of the hill, there was under the principal apartments a lower story, with a porch in front, so that we can understand how on that eventful night Peter was ‘beneath in the palace.’ (Mar_14:66) Beyond it, probably on the slope of Acra, was the Repository of the Archives, and on the other side of the cleft, abutting on the Temple, with which it was probably connected by a colonnade, the Council Chamber of the Sanhedrim. Following the eastern brow of Mount Zion, south of the High-priest’s palace, and opposite the Temple, was the immense Xystus, which probably extended into the Tyropoeon. Whatever may have been its original purpose, * it was afterwards used as a place of public meetings, where, on great occasions, the populace was harangued.
* Barclay suggest that the Xystus had originally been the heathen gymnasium built by the infamous high-priest Jason. (City of the Great King, p. 101)
Here Peter probably addressed the three thousand converts on the day of Pentecost when the multitude had hurried thither from the Temple on hearing ‘the mighty rushing sound.’ The Xystus was surrounded by a covered colonnade. Behind it was the palace of Agrippa, the ancient palace of David and of the Maccabees, and again, in the rear of it, that of Bernice. On Acra stood afterwards the palaces of certain foreign princes, such as those of Queen Helena, King Monobasus, and other proselytes. In this quarter, or even beyond it to the north-west, one would naturally look for the Theatre and the Amphitheatre, which, being so essentially un-Jewish, must have been located as far as possible from the Temple. The space around the Temple was no doubt kept clear of buildings. On the south-eastern corner behind it was the great Sheep Market, and to the south of it the Hippodrome. Originally, the king’s house by the horse-gate, built by Solomon, and the royal stables, had occupied the southern area of the Temple Mount, where Herod afterwards built the ‘Royal Porch.’ For the Temple of Solomon was 300 feet shorter, from north to south, than that of Herod. Transversely, between Xystus and the Fish Gate, lay the quarter of Maktesh, (Zep_1:10-11) occupied by various bazaars, chiefly connected with the Temple. Lastly, south of the Temple, but on the same hill, was Ophel, the crowded suburb of the priests.
The Shushan Gate
Such must have been a first view of Jerusalem, as ‘beheld’ from the Mount of Olives, on which we are supposed to have taken our stand. If Jewish tradition on the subject may be trusted, a gate opened upon this Mount of Olives through the eastern wall of the Temple. *
* In the chamber above this gate two standard measures were kept, avowedly for the use of the workmen employed in the Temple. (Chel. 17. 9.)
It is called ‘the Shushan Gate,’ from the sculptured representation over it of the city to which so many Jewish memories attached. From this gate an arched roadway, by which the priests brought out the ‘red heifer,’ and on the Day of Atonement the scapegoat, is said to have conducted to the Mount of Olives. Near the spot where the red heifer was burned were extensive lavatories, and booths for the sale of articles needed for various purifications. Up a crest, on one of the most commanding elevations, was the Lunar Station, whence, by fire signals, the advent of each new moon was telegraphed from hill to hill into far countries. If Jewish tradition may further be trusted, there was also an unused gate in the Temple towards the north-Tedit or Tere- two gates towards the south. We know for certain of only a subterranean passage which led from the fortress Antonia on the ‘north-western angle’ of the Temple into the Temple Court, and of the cloisters with stairs descending into the porches, by one of which the chief captain Lysias rushed to the rescue of Paul, when nearly killed by the infuriated multitude. Dismissing all doubtful questions, we are sure that at any rate five gates opened into the outer Temple enclosure or Court of the Gentiles- from the south, and four- these the principal- the west. That southern gate was double, and must have chiefly served the convenience of the priests. Coming from Ophel, they would pass through its gigantic archway and vestibule (40 feet each way), and then by a double tunnel nearly 200 feet long, whence they emerged at a flight of steps leading straight up from the Court of the Gentiles into that of the priests, close to the spot where they would officiate. *
* Jewish tradition mentions the following five as the outer gates of the Temple: that of Shushan to the east, of Tedi to the north, of Copponus to the west, and the two Huldah gates to the south. The Shushan gate was said to have been lower than the others, so that the priests at the end of the ‘heifer-bridge’ might look over it into the Temple. In a chamber above the Shushan gate, the standard measures of the ‘cubit’ were kept.
But to join the great crowd of worshippers we have to enter the city itself. Turning our back on Mount Zion, we now face eastwards to Mount Moriah. Though we look towards the four principal entrances to the Temple, yet what we see within those walls on the highest of the terraces is not the front but the back of the sanctuary. It is curious how tradition is here in the most palpable error in turning to the east in worship. The Holy Place itself faced east-wards, and was approached from the east; but most assuredly the ministering priests and the worshippers looked not towards the east, but towards the west.
The Temple Plateau
The Temple plateau had been artificially levelled at immense labour and cost, and enlarged by gigantic substructures. The latter served also partly for the purpose of purification, as otherwise there might have been some dead body beneath, which, however great the distance from the surface, would, unless air had intervened, have, according to tradition, defiled the whole place above. As enlarged by Herod the Great, the Temple area occupied an elongated square of from 925 to 950 feet and upwards. *
* Many modern writers have computed the Temple area at only 606 feet, while Jewish authorities make it much larger than we have stated it. The computation in the text is based on the latest and most trustworthy investigations, and fully borne out by the excavations made on the spot by Capts. Wilson and Warren.
Roughly calculating it at about 1,000 feet, this would give an extent more than one-half greater than the length of St. Peter’s at Rome, which measures 613 feet, and nearly double our own St. Paul’s, whose extreme length is 520 1/2 feet. And then we must bear in mind that the Temple plateau was not merely about 1,000 feet in length, but a square of nearly 1,000 feet! It was not, however, in the centre of this square, but towards the north-west, that the Temple itself and its special courts were placed. Nor, as already hinted, were they all on a level, but rose terrace upon terrace, till the sacred edifice itself was reached, its porch protruding, ‘shoulder-like,’ on either side- rising into two flanking towers- covering the Holy and Most Holy Places. Thus must the ‘golden fane’ have been clearly visible from all parts; the smoke of its sacrifices slowly curling up against the blue Eastern sky, and the music of its services wafted across the busy city, while the sunlight glittered on its gilt roofs, or shone from its pavement of tesselated marble, or threw great shadows on Olivet behind.
Fables of the Rabbis
Assuredly, when the Rabbis thought of their city in her glory, they might well say: ‘The world is like unto an eye. The ocean surrounding the world is the white of the eye; its black is the world itself; the pupil is Jerusalem; but the image within the pupil is the sanctuary.’ In their sorrow and loneliness they have written many fabled things of Jerusalem, of which some may here find a place, to show with what halo of reverence they surrounded the loving memories of the past. Jerusalem, they say, belonged to no tribe in particular- was all Israel’s. And this is in great measure literally true; for even afterwards, when ancient Jebus became the capital of the land, the boundary line between Judah and Benjamin ran right through the middle of the city and of the Temple; so that, according to Jewish tradition, the porch and the sanctuary itself were in Benjamin, and the Temple courts and altar in Judah. In Jerusalem no house might be hired. The houses belonged as it were to all; for they must all be thrown open, in free-hearted hospitality, to the pilgrim-brethren that came up to the feast. Never had any one failed to find in Jerusalem the means of celebrating the paschal festivities, nor yet had any lacked a bed on which to rest. Never did serpent or scorpion hurt within her precincts; never did fire desolate her streets, nor ruin occur. No ban ever rested on the Holy City. It was Levitically more sacred than other cities, since there alone the paschal lamb, the thank-offerings, and the second tithes might be eaten. Hence they carefully guarded against all possibility of pollution. No dead body might remain in the city overnight; no sepulchres were there, except those of the house of David and of the prophetess Huldah. No even domestic fowls might be kept, nor vegetable gardens be planted, lest the smell of decaying vegetation should defile the air; nor yet furnaces be built, for fear of smoke. Never had adverse acident interrupted the services of the sanctuary, nor profaned the offerings. Never had rain extinguished the fire on the altar, nor contrary wind driven back the smoke of the sacrifices; nor yet, however great the crowd of worshipperes, had any failed for room to bow down and worship the God of Israel!
Thus far the Rabbis. All the more impressive is their own admission and their lament- significant as viewed in the light of the Gospel: ‘For three years and a half abode the Shechinah’ (or visible Divine presence) ‘on the Mount of Olives,’- whether Israel would repent-‘and calling upon them, “Seek ye the Lord while He may be found, call upon Him while He is near.” And when all was in vain, then the Shechinah returned to its own place!’
Jerusalem in Ruins
The Shechinah has withdrawn to its own place! Both the city and the Temple have been laid ‘even with the ground,’ because Jerusalem knew not the time of her visitation (Luk_19:44). ‘They have laid Jerusalem on heaps’ (Psa_79:1). ‘The stones of the sanctuary are poured out in the top of every street’ (Lam_4:1). All this, and much more, did the Saviour, the rightful King of Israel, see in the near future, when ‘He beheld the city, and wept over it.’ And now we must search very deep down, sinking the shaft from 60 to over 125 feet through the rubbish of accumulated ruins, before reaching at last the ancient foundations. And there, close by where once the royal bridge spanned the deep chasm and led from the City of David into the royal porch of the Temple, is ‘the Jews’ Wailing Place,’ where the mourning heirs to all this desolation reverently embrace the fallen stones, and weep unavailing tears- because the present is as the past, and because what brought that judgment and sorrow is unrecognised, unrepented, unremoved. Yet-‘Watchman, what of the night? Watchman, what of the night? The watchman said, The morning cometh and also the night. If ye will inquire, inquire! Return, come!’



Chapter 2 – Within the Holy Place

‘There shall not be left here one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down.’- Mat_24:2
‘The Royal Bridge’
Of the four principal entrances into the Temple- of them from the west- most northerly descended, perhaps by flights of steps, into the Lower City; while two others led into the suburb, or Parbar, as it is called. But by far the most magnificent avenue was that at the south-western angle of the Temple. Probably this was ‘the ascent…into the house of the Lord,’ which so astounded the Queen of Sheba (1Ki_10:5) *
* According to Mr. Lewin, however (Siege of Jerusalem, p. 270), this celebrated ‘ascent’ to the house of the Lord went up by a double subterranean passage, 250 feet long and 62 feet wide, by a flight of steps from the new palace of Solomon, afterwards occupied by the ‘Royal Porch,’ right into the inner court of the Temple.
It would, indeed, be difficult to exaggerate the splendour of this approach. A colossal bridge on arches spanned the intervening Valley of the Tyropoeon, connecting the ancient City of David with what is called the ‘Royal Porch of the Temple.’ From its ruins we can reconstruct this bridge. Each arch spanned 41 1/2 feet, and the spring-stones measured 24 feet in length by 6 in thickness. It is almost impossible to realise these proportions, except by a comparison with other buildings. A single stone 24 feet long! Yet these were by no means the largest in the masonry of the Temple. Both at the south-eastern and the south-western angles stones have been found measuring from 20 to 40 feet in length, and weighing above 100 tons.
The Temple Porches
The view from this ‘Royal Bridge’ must have been splendid. It was over it that they led the Saviour, in sight of all Jerusalem, to and from the palace of the high-priest, that of Herod, the meeting-place of the Sanhedrim, and the judgment-seat of Pilate. Here the city would have lain spread before us like a map. Beyond it the eye would wander over straggling suburbs, orchards, and many gardens- among them the royal gardens to the south, the ‘garden of roses,’ so celebrated by the Rabbis- the horizon was bounded by the hazy outline of mountains in the distance. Over the parapet of the bridge we might have looked into the Tyropoeon Valley below, a depth of not less than 225 feet. The roadway which spanned this cleft for a distance of 354 feet, from Mount Moriah to Mount Zion opposite, was 50 feet broad, that is, about 5 feet wider than the central avenue of the Royal Temple-Porch into which it led. These ‘porches,’ as they are called in the New Testament, or cloisters, were among the finest architectural features of the Temple. They ran all round the inside of its wall, and bounded the outer enclosure of the Court of the Gentiles. They consisted of double rows of Corinthian pillars, all monoliths, wholly cut out of one block of marble, each pillar being 37 1/2 feet high. A flat roof, richly ornamented, rested against the wall, in which also the outer row of pillars was inserted. Possibly there may have been towers where one colonnade joined the other. But the ‘Royal Porch,’ by which we are supposed to have entered the Temple, was the most splendid, consisting not as the others, of a double, but of a treble colonnade, formed of 162 pillars, ranged in four rows of 40 pillars each, the two odd pillars serving as a kind of screen, where the ‘Porch’ opened upon the bridge. Indeed, we may regard the Royal Porch as consisting of a central nave 45 feet wide, with gigantic pillars 100 feet high, and of two aisles 30 feet wide, with pillars 50 feet high. By very competent authorities this Royal Porch, as its name indicates, is regarded as occupying the site of the ancient palace of Solomon, to which he ‘brought up’ the daughter of Pharaoh. Here also had been the ‘stables of Solomon.’ When Herod the Great rebuilt the Temple, he incorporated with it this site of the ancient royal palace. What the splendour and height (Professor Porter has calculated it at 440 feet) of this one porch in the Temple must have been is best expressed in the words of Captain Wilson (Recovery of Jerusalem, p. 9): ‘It is almost impossible to realise the effect which would be produced by a building longer and higher than York Cathedral, standing on a solid mass of masonry almost equal in height to the tallest of our church spires.’ And this was only one of the porches which formed the southern enclosure of the first and outermost court of the Temple- of the Gentiles. The view from the top of this colonnade into Kedron was to the stupendous depth of 450 feet. Here some have placed that pinnacle of the Temple to which the tempter brought our Saviour.
These halls or porches around the Court of the Gentiles must have been most convenient places for friendly or religious intercourse- meetings or discussions. Here Jesus, when still a child, was found by His parents disputing with the doctors; here He afterwards so often taught the people; and here the first assemblies of the Christians must have taken place when, ‘continuing daily with one accord in the Temple,…praising God, and having favour with all the people,…the Lord added to the church daily such as should be saved.’ Especially do we revert to Solomon’s Porch, that ran along the eastern wall of the Temple, and faced its great entrance. It was the only remnant left of the Temple built by the wise King of Israel. In this porch ‘Jesus walked’ on that ‘Feast of the Dedication,’ (Joh_10:23) when He ‘told it plainly,’ ‘I and my Father are one’; and it was thither ‘that all the people ran together’ when ‘the notable miracle’ on the lame man had been wrought at the ‘Beautiful Gate of the Temple.’
Court of the Gentiles
It was the rule when entering the Temple to pass in by the right, and when leaving it to go out by the left hand. The great Court of the Gentiles, * which formed the lowest or outer enclosure of the Sanctuary, was paved with the finest variegated marble.
* We have adopted this name as in common use, though Relandus (Antiq. p. 78) rightly objects that the only term for it used in Jewish writings is the ‘mountain of the house.’
According to Jewish tradition, it formed a square of 750 feet. Its name is derived from the fact that it was open to all- or Gentiles- they observed the prescribed rules of decorum and reverence. In this court tradition places eating and sleeping apartments for the Levites, and a synagogue. But, despite pharisaic punctilliousness, the noise, especially on the eve of the Passover, must have been most disturbing. For there the oxen, sheep, and doves selected as fit for sacrifices were sold as in a market; and here were those tables of the money-changers which the Lord overthrew when He drove from His Father’s house them that bought and sold (Mat_21:12; Joh_2:14). Within a short distance, in the court, a marble screen 4 1/2 feet high, and beautifully ornamented, bore Greek and Latin inscriptions, warning Gentiles not to proceed, on pain of death. One of those very tablets, bearing almost the same words as those given by Josephus, has been discovered in late excavations. It was because they thought Paul had infringed this order, that the infuriated multitude ‘went about to kill him’ (Act_21:31). Beyond this enclosure a flight of fourteen steps, each 9 inches high, led up to a terrace 15 feet broad, called the ‘Chel,’ which bounded the inner wall of the Temple. We are now approaching the Sanctuary itself, which consisted, first, of three courts, each higher than the former, and, beyond them, of the Holy and Most Holy Places, with their outbuildings. Entering by the principal gate on the east we pass, first into the Court of the Women, thence into that of Israel, and from the latter into that of the Priests. This would have been, so to speak, the natural way of advancing. But there was a nearer road into the Court of the Priests. For both north and south, along the terrace, flights of steps led up to three gates (both north and south), which opened into the Court of the Priests, while a fourth gate (north and south) led into the middle of the Court of the Women. Thus there were nine gates opening from ‘the Terrace’ into the Sanctuary- principal one from the east, and four north and south, of which one (north and south) also led into the Court of the Women, and the other three (north and south) into that of the Priests.
The ‘Beautiful Gate’
These eight side gates, as we may call them, were all two-leaved, wide, high, with superstructures and chambers supported by two pillars, and covered with gold and silver plating. But far more magnificent than any of them was the ninth or eastern gate, which formed the principal entrance into the Temple. The ascent to it was from the terrace by twelve easy steps. The gate itself was made of dazzling Corinthian brass, most richly ornamented; and so massive were its double doors that it needed the united strength of twenty men to open and close them. This was the ‘Beautiful Gate’; and on its steps had they been wont these many years to lay the lame man, just as privileged beggars now lie at the entrance to Continental cathedrals. No wonder that all Jerusalem knew him; and when on that sunny afternoon Peter and John joined the worshippers in the Court of the Women, not alone, but in company with the well-known cripple, who, after his healing, was ‘walking and leaping and praising God,’ universal ‘wonder and amazement’ must have been aroused. Then, when the lame man, still ‘holding by’ the apostles, again descended these steps, we can readily understand how all the people would crowd around in Solomon’s Porch, close by, till the sermon of Peter- fruitful in its spiritual results- interrupted by the Temple police, and the sudden imprisonment of the apostles.
Court of the Women
The Court of the Women obtained its name, not from its appropriation to the exclusive use of women, but because they were not allowed to proceed farther, except for sacrificial purposes. Indeed, this was probably the common place for worship, the females occupying, according to Jewish tradition, only a raised gallery along three sides of the court. This court covered a space upwards of 200 feet square. All around ran a simple colonnade, and within it, against the wall, the thirteen chests, or ‘trumpets,’ for charitable contributions were placed. These thirteen chests were narrow at the mouth and wide at the bottom, shaped like trumpets, whence their name. Their specific objects were carefully marked on them. Nine were for the receipt of what was legally due by worshippers; the other four for strictly voluntary gifts. Trumpets I and II were appropriated to the half-shekel Temple-tribute of the current and of the past year. Into Trumpet III those women who had to bring turtledoves for a burnt- and a sin-offering dropped their equivalent in money, which was daily taken out and a corresponding number of turtledoves offered. This not only saved the labour of so many separate sacrifices, but spared the modesty of those who might not wish to have the occasion or the circumstances of their offering to be publicly known. Into this trumpet Mary the mother of Jesus must have dropped the value of her offering (Luk_2:22, Luk_2:24) when the aged Simeon took the infant Saviour ‘in his arms, and blessed God.’ Trumpet IV similarly received the value of the offerings of young pigeons. In Trumpet V contributions for the wood used in the Temple; in Trumpet VI for the incense, and in Trumpet VII for the golden vessels for the ministry were deposited. If a man had put aside a certain sum for a sin-offering, and any money was left over after its purchase, it was cast into Trumpet VIII. Similarly, Trumpets IX, X, XI, XII, and XIII were destined for what was left over from trespass-offerings, offerings of birds, the offering of the Nazarite, of the cleansed leper, and voluntary offerings. In all probability this space where the thirteen Trumpets were placed was the ‘treasury,’ where Jesus taught on that memorable Feast of Tabernacles (John 7 and 8; see specially Joh_8:20). We can also understand how, from the peculiar and known destination of each of these thirteen ‘trumpets,’ the Lord could distinguish the contributions of the rich who cast in ‘of their abundance’ from that of the poor widow who of her ‘penury’ had given ‘all the living’ that she had (Mar_12:41; Luk_21:1). But there was also a special treasury-chamber, into which at certain times they carried the contents of the thirteen chests; and, besides, what was called ‘a chamber of the silent,’ where devout persons secretly deposited money, afterwards secretly employed for educating children of the pious poor.
It is probably in ironical allusion to the form and name of these treasure-chests that the Lord, making use of the word ‘trumpet,’ describes the conduct of those who, in their almsgiving, sought glory from men as ‘sounding a trumpet’ before them (Mat_6:2)- is, carrying before them, as it were, in full display one of these trumpet-shaped alms-boxes (literally called in the Talmud, ‘trumpets’), and, as it were, sounding it. *
* The allusion is all the more pointed, when we bear in mind that each of these trumpets had a mark to tell its special object. It seems strange that this interpretation should not have occurred to any of the commentators, who have always found the allusion such a crux interpretum. An article in the Bible Educator has since substantially adopted this view, adding that trumpets were blown when the alms were collected. But for the latter statement there is no historical authority whatever, and it would contravene the religious spirit of the times.
The Chambers
In each of the four corners of the Court of the Women were chambers, or rather unroofed courts, each said to have been 60 feet long. In that at the right hand (on the north-east), the priests who were unfit for other than menial services on account of bodily blemishes, picked the worm-eaten wood from that destined for the altar. In the court at the farther angle (north-west) the purified lepers washed before presenting themselves to the priests at the Gate of Nicanor. At the left (south-east) the Nazarites polled their hair, and cooked their peace-offerings; while in a fourth court (at the south-west) the oil and wine were kept for the drink-offerings. The musical instruments used by the Levites were deposited in two rooms under the Court of the Israelites, to which the access was from the Court of the Women.
Of course the western colonnade of this court was open. Thence fifteen easy steps led through the so-called Gate of Nicanor into the Court of Israel. On these steps the Levites were wont on the Feast of Tabernacles to sing the fifteen ‘Psalms of Degrees,’ or ascent (Psalms 120 to 134), whence some have derived their name. Here, or, rather, in the Gate of Nicanor, all that was ordered to be done ‘before the Lord’ took place. There the cleansed leper and the women coming for purification presented themselves to the priests, and there also the ‘water of jealousy’ was given to the suspected wife.
Court of Israel
Perhaps it will be most convenient for practical purposes to regard the two Courts of Israel and of the Priests as in reality forming only one, divided into two parts by a low balustrade 1 1/2 feet high. Thus viewed, this large double court, inclusive of the Sanctuary itself, would measure 280 1/2 feet in length by 202 1/2 feet in breadth. Of this a narrow strip, 16 1/2 feet long, formed the Court of Israel. Two steps led up from it to the Court of the Priests. Here you mounted again by three low semicircular steps to a kind of pulpit or platform, where, as well as on the ‘fifteen steps,’ the Levites sang and played during the ordinary service. The priests, on the other hand, occupied, while pronouncing the blessing, the steps at the other end of the court which led up to the Temple porch. A similar arrangement existed in the great court as in that of the Women. Right and left of the Nicanor Gate were receptacles for the priestly vestments (one for each of the four kinds, and for the twenty-four courses of priests: 4 x 24 = 96).
Next came the chamber of the high-priest’s meat-offering (Lev_6:20), where each morning before going to their duties the officiating priesthood gathered from the so-called ‘Beth-ha-Moked,’ or ‘house of stoves.’ The latter was built on arches, and contained a large dining-hall that communicated with four other chambers. One of these was a large apartment where fires were continually burning for the use of the priests who ministered barefoot. There also the heads of the ministering courses slept, and here, in a special receptacle under the pavement, the keys of the Temple were hung up at night. Of the other three chambers of the Beth-Moked, one was appropriated to the various counterfoils given as a warrant when a person had paid his due for a drink-offering. In another the shewbread was prepared, while yet a third served for the lambs (at least six in number) that were always kept ready for the regular sacrifice. Here also a passage led to the well-lit subterranean bath for the use of the priests. Besides the Beth-Moked there were, north and south of the court, rooms for storing the salt for the altar, for salting the skins of sacrifices, for washing ‘their inwards,’ for storing the ‘clean’ wood, for the machinery by which the laver was supplied with water, and finally the chamber ‘Gazith,’ or Hall of Hewn Stones, where the Sanhedrim was wont to meet. Above some of these chambers were other apartments, such as those in which the high-priest spent the week before the Day of Atonement in study and meditation.
The Chambers
The account which Jewish tradition gives of these gates and chambers around the Court of the Priests is somewhat conflicting, perhaps because the same chambers and gates may have borne different names. It may, however, be thus summarised. Entering the Great Court by the Nicanor Gate, there was at the right hand the Chamber of Phinehas with its 96 receptacles for priests’ vestments, and at the left the place where the high-priest’s daily meat-offering was prepared, and where every morning before daybreak all the ministering priests met, after their inspection of the Temple and before being told off to duty. Along the southern side of the court were the Water-gate, through which at the Feast of Tabernacles the pitcher with water was brought from the Pool of Siloam, with a chamber above it, called Abtinas, where the priests kept guard at night; then the Gate of the Firstlings, through which the firstlings fit to be offered were brought; and the Wood-gate, through which the altar-wood was carried. Alongside these gates were Gazith, the hall of square polished stones, where the Sanhedrim sat; the chamber Golah, for the water apparatus which emptied and filled the laver; and the wood-chamber. Above and beyond it were the apartments of the high-priest and the council-chamber of the ‘honourable councillors,’ or priestly council for affairs strictly connected with the Temple. On the northern side of the Priests’ Court were the gate Nitzutz (Spark Gate), with a guard-chamber above for the priests, the Gate of Sacrifices, and the Gate of the Beth-Moked. Alongside these gates were the chamber for salting the sacrifices; that for salting the skins (named Parvah from its builder), with bathrooms for the high-priest above it; and finally the Beth-Moked with its apartments. The two largest of these buildings- council-chamber of the Sanhedrim at the south-eastern, * and the Beth-Moked at the north-western angle of the court- partly built into the court and partly out on ‘the terrace.’
* It is very strange what mistakes are made about the localisation of the rooms and courts connected with the Temple. Thus the writer of the article ‘Sanhedrim’ in Kitto’s Encycl., vol. iii. p. 766, says that the hall of the Sanhedrim ‘was situate in the centre of the south side of the Temple-court, the northern part extending to the Court of the Priests, and the southern part to the Court of the Israelites.’ But the Court of Israel and that of the Priests did not lie north and south, but east and west, as a glance at the Temple plan will show! The hall of the Sanhedrim extended indeed south, though certainly not to the Court of Israel, but to the Chel or terrace. The authorities quoted in the article ‘Sanhedrim’ do not bear out the writer’s conclusions. It ought to be remarked that about the time of Christ the Sanhedrim removed its sittings from the Hall of Square Stones to another on the east of the Temple-court.
This, because none other than a prince of the house of David might sit down within the sacred enclosure of the Priests’ Court. Probably there was a similar arrangement for the high-priest’s apartments and the priests’ council-chamber, as well as for the guard-chambers of the priests, so that at each of the four corners of the court the apartments would abut upon ‘the terrace.’ *
* We know that the two priestly guard-chambers above the Water-gate and Nitzutz opened also upon the terrace. This may explain how the Talmud sometimes speaks of six and sometimes of eight gates opening from the Priests’ Court upon the terrace, or else gates 7 and 8 may have been those which opened from the terrace north and south into the Court of the Women.
All along the colonnades, both around the Court of the Gentiles and that of the Women, there were seats and benches for the accommodation of the worshippers.
The Altar
The most prominent object in the Court of the Priests was the immense altar of unhewn stones, * a square of not less than 48 feet, and, inclusive of ‘the horns,’ 15 feet high.
* They were ‘whitened’ twice a year. Once in seven years the high-priest was to inspect the Most Holy Place, through an opening made from the room above. If repairs were required, the workmen were let down through the ceiling in a sort of cage, so as not to see anything but what they were to work at.
All around it a ‘circuit’ ran for the use of the ministering priests, who, as a rule, always passed round by the right, and retired by the left. *
* The three exceptions to this are specially mentioned in the Talmud. The high-priest both ascended and descended by the right.
As this ‘circuit’ was raised 9 feet from the ground, and 1 1/2 feet high, while the ‘horns’ measured 1 1/2 feet in height, the priests would have only to reach 3 feet to the top of the altar, and 4 1/2 feet to that of each ‘horn.’ An inclined plane, 48 feet long by 24 wide, into which about the middle two smaller ‘descents’ merged, led up to the ‘circuit’ from the south. Close by was the great heap of salt, from which every sacrifice must be salted with salt. *
* Also a receptacle for such sin-offerings of birds as had become spoiled. This inclined plane was kept covered with salt, to prevent the priests, who were barefooted, from slipping.
On the altar, which at the top was only 36 feet wide, three fires burned, one (east) for the offerings, the second (south) for the incense, the third (north) to supply the means for kindling the other two. The four ‘horns’ of the altar were straight, square, hollow prominences, that at the south-west with two openings, into whose silver funnels the drink-offerings, and, at the Feast of Tabernacles, the water from the Pool of Siloam, were poured. A red line all round the middle of the altar marked that above it the blood of sacrifices intended to be eaten, below it that of sacrifices wholly consumed, was to be sprinkled. The system of drainage into chambers below and canals, all of which could be flushed at will, was perfect; the blood and refuse being swept down into Kedron and towards the royal gardens. Finally, north of the altar were all requisites for the sacrifices- rows, with four rings each, of ingenious mechanism, for fastening the sacrifices; eight marble tables for the flesh, fat, and cleaned ‘inwards’; eight low columns, each with three hooks, for hanging up the pieces; a marble table for laying them out, and one of silver for the gold and silver vessels of the service.
The Laver
Between the altar and porch of the Temple, but placed towards the south, was the immense laver of brass, supported by twelve colossal lions, which was drained every evening, and filled every morning by machinery, and where twelve priests could wash at the same time. Indeed, the water supply to the Sanctuary is among the most wonderful of its arrangements. That of the Temple is designated by Captain Wilson as the ‘low-level supply,’ in contradistinction to the ‘high-level aqueduct,’ which collected the water in a rock-hewn tunnel four miles long, on the road to Hebron, and then wound along so as to deliver water to the upper portion of the city. The ‘low-level’ aqueduct, which supplied the Temple, derived its waters from three sources- the hills about Hebron, from Etham, and from the three pools of Solomon. Its total length was over forty miles. The amount of water it conveyed may be gathered from the fact that the surplusage of the waters of Etham is calculated, when drained into the lower pool of Gihon, to have presented when full, ‘an area of nearly four acres of water.’ And, as if this had not been sufficient, ‘the ground is perfectly honeycombed with a series of remarkable rock-hewn cisterns, in which the water brought by an aqueduct form Solomon’s Pools, near Bethlehem, was stored. The cisterns appear to have been connected by a system of channels cut out of the rock; so that when one was full the surplus water ran into the next, and so on, till the final overflow was carried off by a channel into the Kedron. One of the cisterns- known as the Great Sea- contain two million gallons; and the total number of gallons which could be stored probably exceeded ten millions.’ There seems little doubt that the drainage of Jerusalem was ‘as well managed as the water supply; the mouth of the main drain being in the valley of the Kedron, where the sewerage was probably used as manure for the gardens.’
The Great Stones
The mind becomes bewildered at numbers, the accuracy of which we should hesitate to receive if they were not confirmed by modern investigations. We feel almost the same in speaking of the proportions of the Holy House itself. It was built on immense foundations of solid blocks of white marble covered with gold, each block measuring, according to Josephus, 67 1/2 by 9 feet. Mounting by a flight of twelve steps to the ‘Porch,’ we notice that it projected 30 feet on each side beyond the Temple itself. Including these projections, the buildings of the Temple were 150 feet long, and as many broad. Without them the breadth was only 90, and the length 120 feet. Of these 60 feet in length, from east to west, and 30 feet in breadth, belonged to the Holy Place; while the Most Holy was 30 feet long, and as many broad. There were, therefore, on either side of the Sanctuary, as well as behind it, 30 feet to spare, which were occupied by side buildings three stories high, each containing five rooms, while that at the back had eight. These side-buildings, however, were lower than the Sanctuary itself, over which also super-structures had been reared. A gabled cedar roof, with golden spikes on it, and surrounded by an elegant balustrade, surmounted the whole.
The Veil
The entrance to the ‘Porch,’ which was curiously roofed, was covered by a splendid veil. Right and left were depositories for the sacrificial knives. Within the ‘Porch’ a number of ‘dedicated’ gifts were kept, such as the golden candelabra of the proselyte queen of Adiabene, two golden crowns presented by the Maccabees, etc. Here were also two tables- of marble, on which they deposited the new shewbread; the other of gold, on which they laid the old as it was removed from the Holy Place. Two-leaved doors, * with gold plating, and covered by a rich Babylonian curtain of the four colours of the Temple (‘fine linen, blue, scarlet, and purple’), formed the entrance into the Holy Place.
* There was also a small wicket gate by which he entered who opened the large doors from within.
Above it hung that symbol of Israel (Psa_80:8; Jer_2:21, Eze_19:10; Joe_1:7) a gigantic vine of pure gold, and made of votive offerings- cluster the height of a man. In the Holy Place were, to the south, the golden candlestick; to the north, the table of shewbread; and beyond them the altar of incense, near the entrance to the Most Holy. The latter was now quite empty, a large stone, on which the high-priest sprinkled the blood on the Day of Atonement, occupying the place where the ark with the mercy-seat had stood. A wooden partition separated the Most Holy from the Holy Place; and over the door hung the veil which was ‘rent in twain from the top to the bottom’ when the way into the holiest of all was opened on Golgotha (Mat_27:51). *
* The Rabbis speak of two veils, and say that the high-priest went in by the southern edge of the first veil, then walked along till he reached the northern corner of the second veil, by which he entered the Most Holy Place.
Such was the Temple as restored by Herod- work which occupied forty-six years to its completion. Yet, though the Rabbis never weary praising its splendour, not with one word do any of those who were contemporary indicate that its restoration was carried out by Herod the Great. So memorable an event in their history is passed over with the most absolute silence. What a complete answer does this afford to the objection sometimes raised from the silence of Josephus about the person and mission of Jesus!
Our Lord’s Prediction
With what reverence the Rabbis guarded their Temple will be described in the sequel. The readers of the New Testament know how readily any supposed infringement of its sanctity led to summary popular vengeance. To the disciples of Jesus it seemed difficult to realise that such utter ruin as their Master foretold could so soon come over that beautiful and glorious house. It was the evening of the day in which He had predicted the utter desolation of Jerusalem. All that day He had taught in the Temple, and what He had said, not only there, but when, on beholding the city, He wept over it, seems to have filled their minds alike with awe and with doubt. And now He, with His disciples, had ‘departed from the Temple.’ Once more they lingered in sweet retirement ‘on the Mount of Olives’ (Mat_24:1, Mat_24:3). ‘The purple light on the mountains of Moab was fast fading out. Across the city the sinking sun cast a rich glow over the pillared cloisters of the Temple, and over the silent courts as they rose terrace upon terrace. From where they stood they could see over the closed Beautiful Gate, and right to the entrance to the Holy Place, which now glittered with gold; while the eastern walls and the deep valley below were thrown into a solemn shadow, creeping, as the orb sunk lower, further and further towards the summit of Olivet, irradiated with one parting gleam of roseate light, after all below was sunk in obscurity’ (Bartlett, Jerusalem Revisited, p. 115).
Then it was and there that the disciples, looking down upon the Temple, pointed out to the Master: ‘What manner of stones and what buildings are here.’ The view from that site must have rendered belief in the Master’s prediction even more difficult and more sad. A few years more, and it was all literally fulfilled! It may be, as Jewish tradition has it, that ever since the Babylonish captivity the ‘Ark of the Covenant’ lies buried and concealed underneath the wood-court at the north-eastern angle of the Court of the Women. And it may be that some at least of the spoils which Titus carried with him from Jerusalem- seven-branched candlestick, the table of shewbread, the priests’ trumpets, and the identical golden mitre which Aaron had worn on his forehead- hidden somewhere in the vaults beneath the site of the Temple, after having successively gone to Rome, to Carthage, to Byzantium, to Ravenna, and thence to Jerusalem. But of ‘those great buildings’ that once stood there, there is ‘not left one stone upon another’ that has not been ‘thrown down.’